Strength tests

"Do you all have a text, then Carthage should be destroyed, how much power can be exposed?" - I heard such an ironic and friendly judgment the other day. And he thought about what. The percentage of accusatory articles in which the vertical is the very top of the top of the very “faces” is not so great. Significant, of course, but not all about them, expensive tandemocrats. So, this is more of a matter of perception of not even critical, but simply the analytical content of publications. And not only in the "faces", of course.

"Vedomosti", MK and what is produced by the Kommersant Publishing House, are opposition publications? "Echo of Moscow" is an opposition radio station, and Ren is an opposition television channel? The enumeration can be continued, called several more noticeable media, whose style is far from the enthusiastic perception of reality. And none of them can be called opposition. Although they appear in them, completely unthinkable on federal television channels, in Izvestia and Komsomolskaya Pravda. Not even journalism, but economic analytics, an interview with Mikhail Saakashvili and articles by Evgeny Gontmaker. Or historical publications of Nikolai Svanidze.

But at the same time, the last two author were awarded the accusations of state treason. One is for reasoning on the reform of the current political regime, the other for dare to talk about the Soviet occupation of the Baltic states.

The last example is very indicative: the traitors are constantly discovered by a fellow of the clip - an official who was dismissed from the AP, who is now very trying to be more catholic than the Pope. Vladimir Solovyov, who has lost television, does the same: either Khodorkovsky a wrapper , then Mikhalkov will glorify . Not their careers are of interest, but how they try to straighten them. To whom they are shit and to whom they punish.

And by the reaction of the authorities, one can also definitely say that this occupation is meaningless - you can’t return the favor of power. All the efforts of the supreme propagandons are also meaningless to recreate the former ideological and agitropov system. As repeatedly said, the Ministry of Truth powerlessly without the Ministry of Love. Yes, monstrous things are happening in the country, an extremist can declare everyone even for the slogan "Down with autocracy and the throne of the success!" But publishing houses and media corporations work, in principle, we do not control the Internet. Repressions are local.

But not powerless, although they seem to be such. There is its own logic in them.

The main reason why it is impossible to restore the previous agitprop is the lack of interest in this matter by the highest power. At the very top, there are no people who would seek to recreate a full -fledged totalitarian state. It can only arise as a means of ensuring their private interests, which are not reduced to absolute power, in contrast to what the leaders of classic totalitarian regimes lived. The main motives of the current leaders are greed, envy and cowardice, most clearly manifested in the persecution of Khodorkovsky. No "big style" neither in politics nor in culture. The defeat of the NTV, the defeat of the Yukos, which laid the foundation for raiding at all levels, the war with Georgia, the complete dominance of mass culture and the "weary of the sun -2" - these are all the chegs, you will not get on the tablets on the tablets.

And in this persecution, as in other more or less noticeable matters, its own system is manifested. If the authorities do not see the threat to their personal interests, as well as the interests of those who enter the near circle, she simply does not notice critics. But if the danger sees them, then goes to everything. For example, he takes the children hostage, as the Togliatti police did , who strongly advises the local journalist not to write about AvtoVAZ.

This is what makes the power invulnerable. If, under Brezhnev, a lot of time and effort went, for example, to suppress any criticism of the police in the press, cinema, literature, now - shakes, Emelya, your week. Write as much as you like, “Down with Genialissimus” - he doesn’t care how Vladimir Voinovich predicted it. This will not change anything. And you will insist on the dialogue very much, you can run into what I saw once the Ruslan camp:

It was for them for a long time: "I will do lubrication right now, talk to me!" - But it was done briefly, neither the dog, nor the person had time to recoil. And then they could not come to their senses for a long time. So one day the owner made one camp, who was bothering with him and was in no hurry to work, and then he stood stunned, with a pale, immediately sweating face. The glasses fell from his nose, which this camp was very fond of, often breathed on them and wiped with a handkerchief - now he did not even bent behind them, although the owner reminded him: "Choil your eyes!" - And he himself threw them with the toe of the boot.

You can, of course, console yourself with the fact that Khodorkovsky won another moral victory with his hunger strike. And he will also win. But the chances of being alive to freedom he has less and less every year. And Putin does not care about the testimony of Mikhail Kasyanov, who told how the President of Russia openly explained the work of Yukos with political motives. Because according to the concepts, Putin had every right to pursue a person who did not ask him permission to support the opposition. And according to these concepts, the ruling elite and a significant part of the population lives.

According to the same concepts, it does not matter, in particular, such a trifle that the abandonment of the election of governors leads to uncontrollability: from the point of view of state reform, it has failed . From the point of view of ensuring the irremovability of the highest power, it brilliantly successfully successed, but there is no other criteria and cannot be.

Such is non -oototulamism - the state is privatized, and the authorities are developing parallel to the society, which dutifully accepted its alienation from politics. Neither "small deeds", nor mass actions, nor activity on the Internet can be changed. For institutional changes, value-motivational transformations are required in the elite, in the opposition, and in society as a whole.