Translated material
Twenty years without guilt
Russian politicians, as a rule, become liberals only when it benefits them. And the rest of the time they remain themselves
Modern Russian democracy died in early childhood, before even reaching its second birthday. You can write the years of your life on the monument: “December 26, 1991 – September 21, 1993.” The epitaph could be: “She wanted what was best.” But no monument was needed. The grave remained unmarked. On the contrary, death was passed off as birth, and now Constitution Day is celebrated every year in December.
The “White House” was turning black before our eyes.
In fact, the preamble of the new Constitution does not begin with the words: “We, the multinational people of the Russian Federation, united by a common destiny on our land, affirming human rights and freedoms, civil peace and harmony...”
It begins with the words: “A political situation has developed in the Russian Federation that threatens the state and public security of the country. Direct opposition to the implementation of socio-economic reforms, open and daily obstruction of the policies of the popularly elected President of the Russian Federation in the Supreme Council...”
This is exactly how Presidential Decree No. 1400 began on the dissolution of the Supreme Council of the Russian Federation.
“The security of Russia and its peoples is a higher value than formal adherence to contradictory norms”
There were many unpleasant people among the deputies of the dissolved Russian parliament. No less than in the current State Duma. Some honestly earned their place on prison bunks. Some people later ended up on them, although they didn’t stay there for long.
A democracy on tracks that looks at the world through a lens is not really a democracy. And not exactly a republic.
And yet, no matter how unpleasant many deputies were, President Boris Yeltsin did not have the right to dissolve parliament.
On the same day, September 21, 1993, the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation, headed by Valery Zorkin , having examined in a court session the actions and decisions of Boris Yeltsin related to his decree “On phased constitutional reform in the Russian Federation”, came to the conclusion: the decree is unconstitutional .
The decision of the Constitutional Court lists in detail how many articles of the Constitution Boris Yeltsin violated, after which a conclusion was made: the actions of the President of Russia “serve as the basis for the removal of the President of the Russian Federation B.N. Yeltsin from office or the activation of other special mechanisms of his responsibility in accordance with Article 121 . clause 10 or 121. clause 6 of the Constitution of the Russian Federation . "
In turn, Yeltsin explained his unconstitutional actions by the fact that there are things that are more important than formalities, namely: “Taking into account that the security of Russia and its peoples is a higher value than formal adherence to contradictory norms created by the legislative branch of government...”
In general, you just need to choose the right good goal, and then you can do whatever you want.
It turned out to be so easy to break the Basic Law. Many are still convinced that it is impossible to break the law, but if you really want to, then...
Yeltsin and his entourage really wanted it.
Boris Yeltsin indicated four goals that led him to disregard formal legality:
- maintaining the unity and integrity of the Russian Federation;
- bringing the country out of the economic and political crisis;
- ensuring state and public security of the Russian Federation;
- restoration of the authority of state power.
To restore the authority of state power, Yeltsin found nothing better than to violate the Constitution.
Either the Constitution or authority.
At the end of September - beginning of October 1993, New Russia was born, shooting at its own.
Nowadays they often repeat: “Here they are, liberals, have shown their true colors.”
But it would be a stretch to suspect those who dispersed the Supreme Council of liberalism.
Who's a liberal? Yeltsin a liberal? Chernomyrdin ? Shoigu , who handed over to Gaidar weapons , a liberal? Are Sobchak and his deputy Putin liberals?
They became liberals only when it was beneficial to them. And the rest of the time they remained themselves.
Some former members of the CPSU fought with other former members of the CPSU. Some security officers were at enmity with other security officers.
On one side is Yeltsin, on the other - Rutskoi . And so on. Two wings of one bird of prey.
Recent comrades and friends were ready to kill each other.
This is the same as if in 2013 Medvedev and Naryshkin suddenly went against Putin. Sechin would be on one side, and Chemezov on the other.
After which the people would be asked: people, who are you for? For Sechin or for Chemezov?
It is generally accepted that Yeltsin's decree No. 1400 led to dual power.
It’s better to put it another way: the decree led to anarchy. Because for two weeks in the capital of Russia it was unclear what was going on. Chaos.
Caricatured, although legal, Alexander Rutskoi and Ruslan Khasbulatov , enraged by Yeltsin’s anti-constitutional decree, behaved more and more inappropriately.
The initiative on their part gradually passed into the hands of such figures as Alexander Barkashov .
Shortly before this - in August 1993 - Barkashov published in the newspaper of Russian National Unity (RNE) "Russian Order" "The main provisions of the RNE program", which he intended to implement after Yeltsin's ouster.
The branches of Russian government found themselves on opposite sides of the barricade.
The most telling point is point 7:
"7. Due to the fact that the years of rule of anti-Russian forces carrying out physical extermination and pursuing a policy of artificial assimilation of the Russian People caused enormous damage to the gene pool of the Russian Nation, one of the main tasks of the future National State will be to protect the health and genetic purity of the Russian Nation.
The development of eugenics * should be in the nature of a state program.
Coercion in any form to enter into a mixed marriage or relationship that damages the gene pool of the Russian Nation and leads to its erosion will be prosecuted criminally.
Any propaganda of mixed marriages will also be prohibited as a form of anti-Russian internationalism.
At the same time, maintaining the purity of the gene pool of the Russian Nation will be encouraged by the State both morally and financially . ”
When Barkashov and his armed militants appeared surrounded by Rutskoi and Khasbulatov, this was a harbinger of the victory of Yeltsin, who violated the Constitution.
Instead of distancing themselves from Barkashov, Rutskoy and Khasbulatov made him an ally.
And it doesn’t matter at all whether Yeltsin’s special services sent Barkashov to the White House or whether he himself came to help.
Another thing is important: the defenders of the White House did not refuse the help of RNE militants.
It is possible that the Nazis successfully played the role of provocateurs. Their heirs are doing approximately the same thing now. Being on the hook of the intelligence services, the Nazis can be very controllable at times.
The brutal massacre of the Russian parliament does not make the leaders of the anti-Yeltsin opposition positive heroes.
In addition, most of them adapted perfectly afterwards. And at the same time they also demonstrated their political inconsistency. The same Alexander Rutskoi, after spending some time in prison, temporarily turned from vice-president into governor, trying to govern the Kursk region. Albert Makashov became a State Duma deputy.
They fit into their new life because they knew how to sacrifice for others.
But Yeltsin was even better at sacrificing others.
That's why he won.
"I'm just sad that we could have been people..."
In those September-October days, I listened to the song “Goats” by the group “Aquarium” more often than usual. It was a defensive reaction to what was happening.
Goats; Goats...
My words are not very kind
But not too angry either.
I'm just sad that we could have been people...
Since then, this song has been firmly associated for me with the events of the autumn of 1993.
We could be human if we knew how to value the lives of other people.
It is still unknown exactly how many people died in those days.
The official list of the dead, presented by the Russian Prosecutor General's Office, included 147 people.
According to various estimates, at the beginning of October 1993 in Moscow, as a result of armed clashes and stray bullets, from 147 to 1052 people died.
The list compiled on October 31, 1995, based on materials from parliamentary hearings in the State Duma of Russia, contains 160 names (of which 45 were killed during the storming of the Ostankino television center, and 75 in the White House area, the rest died in other places in Moscow ).
Some books and articles also mention a different number of deaths: 829 people, 948 people, 1052 people...
The case never reached a serious investigation, much less a trial. The hasty amnesty wrote off everything, and, as usual, the winners were not going to be judged at all.
But to those 160 names who died in Moscow in the fall of 1993 during the confrontation between the two branches of government, we must add tens of thousands who died later in the North Caucasus and other regions of Russia.
No one answered for their ruined lives.
After the demonstrative shooting of parliament, entire Russian cities and villages could be shot. There was not long to wait - until December 1994, when the First Chechen War began, which they did not even dare to call a war.
At the end of September - beginning of October 1993, New Russia was born, shooting at its own. Deceiving her own. Dividing its citizens into first- and second-class people. Ours and not ours.
Alexander Barkashov's militants are preparing to defend the White House.
The habit of breaking through the knee, of course, did not appear twenty years ago. However, twenty years ago, in order to justify it, they chose more liberal slogans.
Inflated election figures (it all started with exaggerations during the referendum on the adoption of the new Constitution in 1993) - this is already a New Russia.
The technique worked, and it was subsequently used many times - in the 1996 elections and later. Under Yeltsin, Putin, Medvedev, again under Putin...
There was always an excuse to break the law - of course, solely in the name of preserving unity and integrity, leading the country out of an economic and political crisis, or to restore the authority of state power.
There is peace in our souls.
Our breath is holy
We move, loving everyone,
But give us a little strength, Lord, -
We will bring everything under our control.
Goats; Goats...
Yeltsin had more strength, and he crushed everything under himself.
A tank set off through peaceful cities - one of the tanks on which Yeltsin spoke in August 1991.
In 1993, a tank fired at the Supreme Council building.
Then there were more tanks on the streets.
A democracy on tracks that looks at the world through a lens is not really a democracy. And not exactly a republic.
You can, of course, console yourself with the fact that a usurper who inherited power from another usurper is no longer a usurper.
But this is little consolation.
Even weaker than the weak Russian democracy at the time of its sudden death in 1993.
* Eugenics (from the Greek “thoroughbred”) is the study of selection in relation to humans, as well as ways to improve his hereditary properties. After World War II, eugenics fell in line with Nazi crimes such as racial hygiene, Nazi human experimentation, and the extermination of “undesirable” social groups.