Where to go

Mikhail Berg. Letter to the president. St. Petersburg: editors of the newspaper "European", publishing house "Red Sailor", 2005. - [192 pp.]

The book of Mikhail Berg "Letter to the President" was published for a long time. Its circulation amounted to 1000 copies, which, with competent information support, is not that very little. For example, last spring, the chosen criticism of Berg, led by the famous essay "The Verment Stairs" (1980), was reprinted, and its circulation was a little more. The case is known, the intellectual is published in small circulations. However, the “letter to the President” both in form, and in fact deserved more impressive publication. It was not at all. The publishers rushed from the writer, who made, by the standards of the liberal community, with a completely competent statement. Other times. Those who are abruptly, now two portraits of the guarantor hang - in the reception and in their own ownership, the others are either limited to one, or carry it in the heart, they hide their eyes and crumble. The Mitkovsky "Red Sailor" eventually agreed to warm the hydra not because someone there did not pull out something in the feeding. The wrecking is obvious. It is not for nothing that on the first page it is printed: "The new samizdat. For books that cannot be published in modern Russia." Someone will say: a trick, a book-here it is! Someone will understand that this is a signal. Not a prediction, but the diagnosis of the process in an advanced stage. It is strange that the "our" with "walking together" has not yet reached the newly -minted dissidents. However, they have not yet figured out other fakes poisoning the air of a great country.

What did the writer Berg did? Yes, nothing special is concluded by Lev Semenovich Rubinstein in the only review of the book (extremely cautious and clearly less focusing in the topic, Dmitry Travin from the marginal St. Petersburg newspaper "Case" almost does not count). Berg on equal terms turned to the president. Honestly, fundamentally and accurately formulated his claims to the existing order. It is very important that these are not the philistine “claims” in the style of “I have the right” to which it is customary to answer: “How much is needed?” The level of reflection and remote distance are especially felt against the background of the comparison of his biography with the addressee's biography undertaken by the author. They have the same year and place of birth, some starting living conditions, only hobbies of youth, so the letter is written on "you". This is not the sacred "you" with whom in the 18th century it was customary to contact God and His governor, and the household, secular "you". This is his danger. They can suspect, convict, brand. But it was chosen not even because the author foresaw the hooting and accusations of amicoism. A lot of honor. It’s just that he, as Rubinstein noticed, does not need to like the authorities. What can we say about those who only live him, authorities, possible reactions.

How it turned out that one in the 9th grade went to a large house on Litein, 4 and asked what a diploma in the organs needed, and the other had no political beliefs at the same age? How it turned out that one chose a dusty Komsomol line, and the other listened to Deep Purple and Led Zeppelin , wrote texts and jammed from one type of large house, without having suffered bases. No. Not because, after all, that one inexpressive sambo player with pale eyes, and the other is a cholera judoka with a characteristic of curly hair. Although many then and now enthusiastically explain who is actually to blame for the troubles of Russia. But this is a separate topic. Berg does not seek answers to rhetorical questions, he uses them as a motivation for the presentation of his history of the late Leningrad underground and his historiosophical observations - respect for the addressee makes him gather and speak out as more clearly and simply as possible. Infanticity, with which patriotism and collectivism, and fear of freedom and responsibility, contempt for personality are associated. Social insanity from pathologically non -greeting neighbors and a policeman who uses the third person for the plural for communication (“We violate, man!”), To the president hiding from his people after more and more cruel terrorist attacks, or the Minister of Defense, who, as we now know, sees nothing extraordinary in amputation of the legs and genitals of the future officers of the armed forces. A child - he is suppressed, frightened and let's get out - as you like, by any means. A cunning cruel survival machine, which adults carefully educate. And if there are no adults? And those that are, everything, as for selection, intellectuals, bourgeois and Jews? You’ll listen to these, perhaps.

You don’t have to go far for an example. Berg laid out a book on his page . The people read and speak out on the forums . "A lot of words and an abyss of recommendations such as Vovan - Biak -Zakalyak ." "All such a shnyaga was written as if under a carbon copy." "And in general, it seems that a comrade simply wants to show how he knew the president closely, and is internally proud of it." The author is also charged with a desire to deprive the people of the right to choose his president, monarchical and totalitarian sentiments. This is excellent. You can brush off any nonsense that public intellectuals usually do. But Berg, most likely, is not indifferent to the reaction of the "wide reader." It is not indifferent to the same extent that its explicit addressee remains indifferent to the open letter. If only because the implicit addressee is an ordinary Russian citizen. The President is also a motivation that many take for essence. In addition to honestly boiling irritation, this book has one reason. The hope that if you knock on the door for a long time, it will still open someday. Without half measures, bypass maneuvers and a "special path". Without amendments to the children's audience.

Berg is not too sure that the current populist authoritarianism will contribute to the growth of personal responsibility. Closer to the end, the letter gradually turns into an indictment of one and only person who plays into the hands of critics. The president’s voluntary departure is a gesture, but not a way out, and Berg knows this. What will happen next, he is clear no more than everyone else, and only annoys the vulgarity of the question itself. His letter is primarily a letter from the writer for whom it is a word. The generation, less depending on the book culture, in places will not understand at all what it is about. In particular, those representatives who know what to do. About them - the book of journalist Viktor Savelyev "Hot Youth of Russia."

Hot youth of Russia. Leaders. Organizations and movements. Tactics of street battles. Contacts. - M.: LLC "Kvanta", 2006. - 288 p.

This, in fact, is not even a book, but a reference book. Each of its section is the current youth organization current in Russia. The composition of the section varies, but includes mainly questionnaires (name, symbolism, year of creation, founders, geography in the Russian Federation, the number of supporters, etc.), goals and objectives, a list of basic shares, charter or excerpt from it, basic personalities with brief biographies. There is almost no author's text in the reference book, and the surname of the compiler on the cover does not appear. But this is no less strong than Berg’s letter, appeal to power and the president, in particular. The former Urals, and now the Moscow journalist, a little older than the writer and president, acted as a mediator to establish contacts. Again, the opportunity to obtain systematized information about the youth movements of Russia appeared in the "wide" reader. And he got to the fullest.

A primitive quantitative calculation shows that out of almost three hundred pages, about twenty are allocated to the so -called liberal parties. The author’s selection has nothing to do with it - what is, that is. Idiosyncrazia is complete, there is no chance. Well, God is with them. What prevails? The sovereign (they are the “Eurasians” under the leadership of Alexander Dugin, the best columnist of the Rolling Stone magazine, and the threatening organization “for the homeland” - and for the one that is the one under the beginning of Rogozin) is not much more. The red and leftist, of which the “National Bolsheviks” are most civilized, are noticeable, but disconnected and small, which is why they are kept on high -profile actions, enthusiasm, turning into fanaticism, and frontal self -radiation. The real avant -garde of youth is not an AKM with a favorite automatic machine on the logo, but the pro -Kremlin forces - mentioned "walking together" with "ours", RSM (the same Komsomol, and in an extremely dusty version) and youth "unity", which holds charity events with the money of the same name and is in every possible way occupied by the white PR of the government. The "promotions that go together are not quieter than the" National Bolsheviks ", they are only more absurd, as they promote tolerance, constantly breaking into a scream. Despite the fact that all information about the numerical composition was received by Saveliev from official sources, that is, from the parties themselves, there is no doubt that the movements in support of the general line prevail on the youth political map. For the same, in fact, the reason why the current president really receives the support of the majority of the population without resorting to any falsifications. In the recent Russian Newsuik (? 6, 13-19.02), the theme of the number of the Social Psychologist Igor Dubov, who indicated the calculation of political technologists, was given with the theme of the number of personality cult. "The electorate is people with a secondary special education. <...> They go to work every day, lack stars from the sky and always vote. There are at least 40%of them in Russia. They are also Putin’s electoral base." Most likely, the analyst is right, but I would like to say more: in the army of graduates of technical schools and vocational schools, "lacking stars from the sky", reinforcements in the person of people with higher education are rapidly poured. The bar of their life needs was greatly underestimated in the 1990s, now they, who saddled this reduced bar, good and calmly. So in loyal junior movements of students and owners of university diplomas are hardly less than everyone else. Even if not as many as Vasily Yakemenko and other "youth" functionaries claim.

Given what has been said, the catchy title "Hot Youth of Russia" is overgrown with erotic ones than political meanings. It doesn’t matter who has whom, it is important that the active side considers it to be granted, and passive enjoys it. Although if you take it not in number, but reduced (the pun is appropriate), some gaps where the energy is restored, they still remain. It is known that against the background of the general arbitrariness of the spark of resistance, they seem brighter.

Vadim Damier. Forgotten international. International anarcho-syndicalist movement between the two world wars. Volume 1: From revolutionary syndicalism to anarcho-syndicalism: 1918-1930. M.: New Literary Review, 2006.

Those who drew attention to the headline might seem that a quote from Lermontov is nothing more than a flat wit. If everything is clear with the writer and journalist, then the reader is clearly for the kit. Meanwhile, the reader in this virtual company is Vadim Damee, and this is no stretch. This is rather a paradox, since his work exceeds the volume of the taken together books by Berg and Savelyev at least twice. However, neither Berg nor Savelyev had to master the vast sea of ​​sources through which the waterproof historian Damier passed, like an atomic submarine. Candidate of Historical Sciences (the topic of the dissertation is the “Green Movement in Germany” in 1986), senior researcher at the Universal History of the Russian Academy of Sciences and at the same time the leader of the group of radical anarcho -syndicalists, who previously performed the duties of the confederation of anarcho -syndicalists, a member of the Coordinating Council of the League of Green Parties - only formal characteristics, behind which there is a rare ability with equal success. Switch the internal and external points of view to the subject. As a supporter of “direct action”, anarcho-syndicist Damee moves the party ideology and in every possible way defends the position of his movement, declaring his exceptional correctness in accordance with the rules of the game. As a researcher, he consistently retains its enthusiasm and strives for impersonal broadcast of facts.

It is pointless to try to retell the main directions of a study that occupies 900 pages only in the space of the first volume. Moreover, these directions are limited by a simple chronological presentation of history, strongly unknown to either Soviet historiographers or their descendants. The Bolshevik production of Marxism and the European “Marxism without the proletariat” from Lukach to the Frankfurt school (see the study of A. Dmitriev of the same name) - all these are bears with whom some compromise methods of alien political programs can also get along in the same den, but not ideology competing with them on basic worldview issues. Anarcho-syndicalism has a rather mediated attitude towards anarchism in its "glossy" version from the Old Man Makhno to the fan club of the Exploited group. This, in the words of the author, the search for the path of public self -organization and self -government during the daily struggle for the rights and interests of employees in the creation of a new, fair social system. This line opposed the liberal capitalism, and the reformist plans of the "social state", and the Bolshevik plan for the complete state of state of society.

The anarcho-syndicalist International, which arose in the 1920s, was the result of a certain social over-of-person, undertaken by a number of trade university figures in response to a dead end post-war situation with its sensation of emptiness and futility. The International grew out of "direct action practice", developed during the search for the working movement of a suitable doctrine. It is not surprising that at present the positions of anarcho-syndicalists are not strong in the center of the “developed” post-industrial society, where money makes money, but on its periphery, where production is replaced and, accordingly, there is reason to talk about hired workers as social power. In recent years, this is primarily Latin America. Russia is also part of this periphery, as much as Moscow with its ghostly inclusion in Europe (ATMs, clubs, Maserati and Bentley salons) did not assign the right to speak on behalf of the country.

Two years ago, a collection of Proletarian prose “Red Strip” was published in the St. Petersburg publishing house “New Cultural Space”, significantly ignored by criticism and the media. The authors of the collection and its heroes are the same inconspicuous, but the colossal army of hired workers, for whose rights, revolutionary anarcho -syndicalism has been fighting for eighty years. Sometimes they meet. More often - no. This is a matter of information and choice. The agricultural camp can become dangerous when people from different niches are there. The attitude of society towards the “letter” of Berg and the Red Strip collection leads to thoughts.