Introduction. Anti-Semitism in the mass consciousness

In order to assess the prevalence of anti-Semitic prejudices in Russian society, it is necessary to refer to the results of sociological surveys.

The leading sociologist dealing with this problem is Lev Gudkov. We took his research as the basis for this description (1) .

According to Gudkov (2) , the core of the most convinced anti-Semites (i.e., people who consistently give negative answers to most of the diagnostic questions) is the array of respondents, whose share in the total number of respondents can be estimated at about 6-9%. From year to year, their share remained virtually unchanged. These are people for whom anti-Semitism is an important side of their worldview, who pay close attention to the "Jewish question". About 1-1.5% of respondents (despite the fact that the error in such sociological studies is + 2-2.5%) are ready to support or are already supporters of radical nationalist organizations (such as Russian National Unity or "Memory"), regularly read anti-Semitic and xenophobic periodicals and literature.

The percentage of respondents who allow pronounced negative answers in relation to Jews to certain diagnostic questions is much higher - 15-18% of respondents. These are people for whom anti-Semitism is not the basis or even an important part of their worldview, but stems from a general intolerant xenophobic position.

The external, moving border of the prevalence of anti-Semitic sentiments is noted by negative reactions in about half of the respondents (from 35% to 52% of the respondents), which have a passive, protective and restrictive meaning. The most negative reaction was caused by the question of the attitude to the fact that the president of Russia was a Jew (64% of respondents). This group is mainly characterized by the unwillingness of the Jews to have their own active political parties, celebrate religious holidays noisily and ostentatiously, and so on. Many respondents in this group expressed doubts about the loyalty of the Jews.

Thus, according to Gudkov, the most massive negative anti-Semitic reactions are of a protective and compensatory nature, aimed at limiting the access of Jews to positions that are symbolic for the Russian national consciousness.

Perhaps it is these 35%-52% of the population that can be defined as sharing anti-Semitic views.

According to the results of the same sociological surveys, consistently "pro-Jewish" (philo-Semitic) groups in society are just as small as openly anti-Semitic ones: in fact, their size does not exceed 10-12% of the respondents. Together with liberal-minded, consciously ethnically tolerant respondents, the size of this layer reaches 18-20%. But such a small percentage of a consistently tolerant population should not be a reason for panic - this social group has a fairly high authority and influence in society, since there are significantly more highly educated, professionally trained people who occupy influential positions in the system of mass communications and information, in politics and the economy and therefore have a significant impact on society as a whole.

According to another poll commissioned by the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) in 1999 (results were published in September) (3) , consistently anti-Semitic views are supported by 44% of respondents. The absence of anti-Semitism was demonstrated by 19%, 37% were assigned to the transitional group. Respondents were asked to express their agreement or disagreement with eleven statements, such as "too many banks in Russia are controlled by Jews," "Jewish businessmen are prone to dishonest ways of doing business," or "Jews care more about the interests of Israel than the interests of Russia." The category of "consistent anti-Semites" included respondents who agreed with 6-11 statements; to the transitional category - those who agreed with 2-5 theses.

Of course, from a sociological point of view, due to various reasons, which we, not being specialists in this field, will not go into, the survey was carried out incorrectly. However, the strength of the ADL method lies in the fact that a similar system has been used in the USA for several decades, and it is possible to compare data. In the United States in 1998, 12% of respondents expressed support for consistently anti-Semitic views, 53% demonstrated principled tolerance; in 1964 the rates were 29% and 31% respectively. Thus, the situation with anti-Semitism in Russia in 1999 is worse than in the US in 1964.

A very common point of view is that the strong positions of anti-Semitism in the mass consciousness are explained by the stereotypes of the traditional (ie, "folk-religious", "village", "patriarchal") consciousness. These stereotypes, in turn, are rooted in the rudiments of a religious worldview, on the one hand, and narrowness of outlook, lack of education, provincial aggressiveness towards strangers, and so on. - with another. However, recent sociological studies (the results of which, however, still need to be verified), conducted by a team of Siberian researchers, have shown that for modern Russia, anti-Semitism is by no means determined by the stereotypes of traditional thinking, but rather is part of urban culture. Modern Russian society has little in common with traditional society. Intensive and partly violent modernization, during which the rudiments of patriarchal culture were deliberately destroyed, radically changed the people's mentality. Although from a sociological point of view, the argumentation of the supporters of the idea expressed is not flawless, the theory expressed by them seems quite plausible and in any case deserves further verification.

In order for the situation with anti-Semitism to be adequately perceived in the context of the social life of modern Russia, it is necessary to note one more important fact - it is obvious that Jews are by no means the main object of ethnic phobia for the majority of citizens. Prejudice towards natives of the Caucasus, gypsies, etc. is much more widespread and much more radical and frankly expressed. processes, difficult economic and ethno-demographic situation, etc.) and, to an even greater extent, their incorrect reflection in the mainstream media (4) .

According to sociological surveys, respondents experience the most negative emotions towards Chechens and other nationalities of the North Caucasus, Armenians, Azerbaijanis, gypsies, blacks, natives of the Baltic states, and only then - Jews (slightly more than towards Tatars or Americans) ( 5) . According to Zinaida Sikevich (6) , on average in Russia, 40.9% of respondents frankly declared hostile attitude towards representatives of another nationality (according to other polls, which more subtly record undeclared, "latent" xenophobia, this figure reaches 85% of respondents), of them, almost three-quarters (from 69% to 76% in individual regions) - exclusively to people from the Caucasus. Conscious hostility to Jews, according to these data, was expressed by 5.6% of the respondents.

These figures are confirmed by data from other sociological surveys (7) , including more recent ones, and look plausible.

It only remains to add that polls record an almost unchanged level of anti-Semitic sentiment in society since about 1990 (a slight increase in anti-Semitic sentiment was noted in 1993-1995). Meanwhile, the stratum of the fundamentally tolerant and tolerant population has clearly grown (although not fundamentally, but mainly at the expense of young people, which gives reason to predict the further growth of such sentiments in society).

In addition, if at the very beginning of the 1990s there was a relatively widespread fear (or, conversely, hope) in society that excesses like Jewish pogroms were possible in the coming year, in recent years such expectations have hardly spread (8 ) . Of course, in this case, public opinion is not the most objective indicator, but on the basis of these data, one can also draw a certain conclusion.

L. Gudkov in the mentioned study states that "the attitude towards Jews in Russia is approximately the same as in Western or Eastern Europe - more tolerant than in Austria or Germany, Poland, but worse than in the Czech Republic, Hungary or Ukraine ". This gives grounds for optimism, but further Gudkov notes that the most important value structures of Russian society are deeply affected, since its consolidation occurs "not thanks to positive values ​​and achievements, but at the cost of a general primitivization of collective life, including the preservation of hostility towards ethnic "others", often imagined or mythologized, as well as indifference to the problems of people who are directed by antipathy or enmity" (9) . This assessment was given before the start of the second Chechen campaign, and, unfortunately, was fully confirmed by the subsequent course of events.

The modern Russian mass consciousness is characterized by a negative model of collective self-identification. If a positive model of national self-identification ("we are good, kind, cultured, etc.") stabilizes society and ensures a high level of tolerance, then a negative one ("they are bad, evil, aggressive, etc.") forms a high level xenophobia and animosity. It is clear that in reality the elements of positive and negative models of self-identification always coexist and form a complex value complex of mass consciousness. However, the problem of the collective self-identification of modern Russians lies in the fact that negative elements predominate qualitatively and quantitatively. Indeed, both "from below" and "from above" in Russian society, there is an extremely strong tendency to consolidate "on the contrary", in the face of some enemy (often mythical), which has a pronounced ethnic character. Xenophobic emotions are shamelessly exploited for the purpose of consolidating the population (in the literature, this process is usually called the term "ethnic mobilization") at the highest state level, which gives the problem a very serious connotation. And the fact that at this stage not anti-Semitic, but anti-Caucasian sentiments are being used should not be misleading. (10) . The very existence of such sentiments is fundamentally dangerous.

In the West, studies like ours are often accompanied by recommendations to government agencies. Another thing is that the latter tend to listen to the opinions of independent experts and public organizations - this is part of the mechanism of the civil society that we do not have. The ethno-political situation in the Russian Federation is so complex that it is extremely difficult to give unambiguous and, more importantly, realistic and practical recommendations. Nevertheless, we will try to express our opinion on the desired changes in the most problematic areas in the field of interethnic relations and the observance of human rights.

Firstly, state bodies must promptly and resolutely suppress chauvinistic and xenophobic propaganda and activities, especially in cases where this comes from the officials themselves. At the same time, it is natural that counteraction to manifestations of extremism should be carried out emphatically correctly, in a legal and normative way, without illegal arbitrariness that is usual for Russia (at the moment this self-evident principle is not observed). To reduce xenophobic sentiments in society, high-ranking government officials must promptly condemn specific manifestations of intolerance and chauvinism, primarily of an aggressive nature. Naturally, discriminatory practices against national minorities (Meskhetian Turks, Gypsies, Chechens and ethnic migrants in general) by law enforcement and other government agencies should be stopped. There should be no inequality in the face of the state of various religious groups, state interference in religious life in general should be minimal.

Secondly, it is necessary to develop and implement a number of measures (primarily in the field of education and popular culture) aimed at shaping attitudes of tolerant consciousness. It seems to us especially important to introduce educational programs dedicated to the dangers of racism, chauvinism and xenophobia and cultivating respect for cultural diversity among officials, primarily police officers, judges and other law enforcement officers.

On the whole, it can be stated that only systemic changes, at least in the field of implementing already existing "on paper" regulations in practice, can radically change the situation. So far, for Russia, the formation of a civil society and the rule of law is an ideal, but this ideal, as world practice shows, is achievable.

1 The results of the analysis of VTsIOM polls of different years (1988 - 1997), conducted by L. Gudkov, were published in the following publications: Gudkov L., Levinson A. Attitude of the USSR population towards Jews and the problem of anti-Semitism / / Bulletin of the Jewish University in Moscow , No. 1, 1992; They are . Changes in the attitude towards Jews of the population of the republics on the territory of the former USSR / / Bulletin of the Jewish University in Moscow . No. 4, 1993; Gudkov L. Anti-Semitism in Post-Soviet Russia - Intolerance in Russia. Old and new phobias. Moscow: Carnegie Moscow Center, 1999.

2 See: Gudkov L. Anti-Semitism in Post-Soviet Russia... P.74 et seq.

3 Highlights from a September 1999 Anti-Defamation League Survey on Anti-Semitism and Societal Attitudes in Russia. Issued by the Anti-Defamation League.

4 We are not talking about xenophobic by definition national-radical publications - they are small-circulation and their influence on the mass consciousness is negligible. However, the modern Russian press as such is extremely widely affected by unconscious xenophobia - at the level of terminology, choice of plots, intonations, and so on. It is difficult to say what is primary in this case: whether the media form the xenophobia of mass consciousness, or whether the latter determines demand and thus forms the media in its own image and likeness. The role of the media in the formation of negative ethnic stereotypes is specially devoted to the collective monograph: Verkhovsky A. (ed.) My language ... The problem of ethnic and religious intolerance in the Russian media - M .: ROO "Panorama", 2002.

5 See, for example, the table "Attitude of Russians towards people of various nationalities" (Intolerance in Russia... P.48).

6 Sikevich Z. Ethnic enmity in the mass consciousness of Russians - Intolerance in Russia..., P.107-108.

7 See, for example, the results of sociological surveys in: Gessen M. What are Nazis made of// Itogi, May 12, 1998.

8 In 1990, 12% of respondents to the question "Are Jewish pogroms likely in Russia this or next year?" answered "very likely" or "quite likely", and 43% - "unlikely" and "completely unlikely" (the rest found it difficult to answer). In 1997 the results were 5% and 77% respectively. See the table "Opinions regarding Jewish pogroms and anti-Semitic sentiments" ( Intolerance in Russia ... p.79).

9 Gudkov L. Anti-Semitism in Post-Soviet Russia... S. 95-96.

10 In fairness, we note that the very concept of national xenophobia in the context of the suppression of an armed center of ethnic separatism carries a slightly different semantic load than in a multinational state without "hot spots" with ethnic overtones. However, a detailed discussion of this issue may lead too far from the subject of our consideration.