Political discourse

In September, the regional political discourse focused on the debate on the problems of combating terrorism, connected with the reaction of society to the explosions in Krasnodar at the end of August. The main topic of discussion was the tightening of migration policy. This vector was set by the head of the regional administration A.N. Tkachev. On September 5, at a meeting of heads of structural divisions of the militia, he stated that the recent explosions were "the work of scoundrels who came from outside" [1] . According to him, in a number of districts of the region, the population is literally groaning from the dominance of "newcomers" who do not want to reckon with our culture, customs, or the rights of indigenous people. The governor urged to direct all efforts of militia to struggle against illegal migrants. "For these people, the Kuban is not a homeland, but a place of profit, the realization of their selfish plans. We must deprive them of the opportunity to gain a foothold in the region. The current practice, when hundreds of thousands of foreign" guests "walk" wherever they please, and only 26 people are expelled, not gives the expected results. We must use the full force of the law to expel illegal migrants from the region" [1] .

On September 6, the governor held an extended conference call with the heads of the regional law enforcement agencies, the heads of the regional departments of internal affairs of Krasnodar, the heads of cities and districts of the region. Once again, the issue of migration is in the center of attention. Most of the meeting participants who spoke emphasized that it is often illegal migrants who fuel the shadow economy, engage in drug trafficking and actively participate in criminal groups. As measures to combat this, A. N. Tkachev proposed strengthening checks on the passport regime and dubious one-day firms. The ethnic factor of these actions, the governor noted, should not be decisive. "At the same time, we must understand that we are not fighting people of a certain nationality, but illegal shadow migration. Criminals have no nationality" [2] .

However, the fact that it is ethnic categorizations that dominate the practices of power structures was clearly manifested at the coordination meeting of the heads of law enforcement agencies of the region, held on September 30 and received wide coverage in the press. Thus, V. Goncharov, senior adviser to the regional prosecutor, noted that "recently, the greatest danger lies in the strengthening of ethnic criminal groups" [3] . According to FSB officers, another "time bomb could be the change in the ethnic composition of the regions bordering the Stavropol Territory and Karachay-Cherkessia due to the massive influx of migrants from the Transcaucasian republics" [3] .

It can be stated that for the regional political discourse, linking migration and criminal activity is the main characteristic feature. This orientation is set, first of all, by Governor A.N. Tkachev himself, whose typical position is exemplified by the following words: “Refugees from all over the former country are striving for the region. Most of these people do not want to work, they lead a parasitic lifestyle, engage in theft, distribute drugs" [4] . The unimportance for the actions of the regional authorities of the ethnicity of migrants and the absence of ethnic discrimination in the region are constantly emphasized, which is justified by the fact that representatives of many ethnic groups live here. In particular, the vice-governor of the region M.K. Akhedzhak verbalized this position in this way. “Today, there are more than 120 nationalities in the Krasnodar Territory, and the agreement that exists between them is very important. A person should not have any restrictions or advantages due to his belonging to one race or another. people of various nationalities, but our authorities are formed not at all on this basis" [5] . However, when it comes to specific examples of the migration policy of the regional authorities, the discourse is reduced to operating with ethnic categories, and its objects are, first of all, Meskhetian Turks, Kurds, Tajiks. M.K. The same , which she gave when she joined the UN. Work in this direction is ongoing" [5] .

Regional politicians are inclined to see the main problem in the sphere of interethnic relations in the passivity of the federal government. This idea became a cornerstone in the speeches of members of the Krasnodar delegation at a seminar-conference on the problems of legislative support for the implementation of state national policy, held in October 2003 in Sochi with the participation of State Duma Chairman G. N. Seleznev. In his report, the chairman of the ZSKK V. A. Beketov, raising questions regarding the situation of the Meskhetian Turks and Abkhaz refugees, noted that "their decision depends not so much on the regional, but on the federal authorities. Effective legislation in the field of interethnic relations is designed to provide legal answers not only on events that have already taken place or regulate already ongoing processes, but must necessarily be proactive. In the meantime, the solution of issues of interethnic relations is at the mercy of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. This is wrong "[6 ] . Situations of exacerbation of interethnic relations have, first of all, socio-economic roots, and effective actions in this area contribute to maintaining calm and stability. "National problems are not only the nationality that is recorded in a birth certificate or passport, but a broader concept. This is the level of the state of the economy, the development of the territory, and the level of development of education, culture, and so on. And if each of us did not dealt with these problems in his own territory, if he had not wasted his health and time, the situation would have been much worse than it is today" [6] .

V. A. Beketov proposed the creation of a full-fledged body of state power at the federal level in charge of nationalities, instructing him to coordinate the work of all ministries and departments on the national question. "It is better if it is headed by a leader with the rank of Deputy Prime Minister of the Russian Federation. We need a real coordinator at the level of the federal center" [6] . Also, members of the Krasnodar delegation made a number of proposals to address the problems of illegal migration, in particular, concerning the introduction of a visa regime for entry into Russia from the CIS countries, as well as the development of mechanisms for the implementation of national policy aimed at the revival and enhancement of spiritual and cultural values, the preservation of cultural and cultural heritage. historical diversity of the peoples of the South of Russia. "I am convinced that the principle of harmonious development of peoples, but not at the expense of neighbors, should become the key to stability and the development of good-neighborly relations in the region ," V. A. Beketov emphasized. [6] .

A significant event for the political life of the region in this period was the election campaign to the State Duma of the Russian Federation. The appeal of the authors of pre-election appeals and other materials to the discourse of ethnicity has become one of the features that characterize it. Supporters of communist ideologies were especially active in this. Thus, N. Denisov, chairman of the Fatherland Party (Kondratenko), spoke in the press with a lengthy article in which he presented an assessment of the situation in the region and the country and the desired path for their further development.

The main result of the history of Russia in the twentieth century, the author sees in the fact that "the fruits of the revolutions of 1917 and 1991 were used primarily by the same anti-Russian, anti-people forces of cosmopolitans, who led the country through a civil war and interethnic conflicts to the fall of the Russian Empire at the beginning, and then the USSR, the genocide of the multinational Fatherland" [7] . Only the Kuban has always sought to resist these destructive actions. This is due to the fact that the region is Cossack, and "the Cossacks have always been the most patriotic part of the Russian people" [7] . That is why social confrontation took the most cruel forms in the region, forcing the opposite side to reveal its entire essence. “The Cossacks have always been a bone in the throat of the enemies of Russia. It is no coincidence that the Cossacks did not accept Soviet power for a long time, rightly seeing in it the anti-Russian dictatorship of Trotsky-Bronstein, who, together with Sverdlov, unleashed a campaign of “decossackization.” It is no coincidence that those first Bolsheviks hated the Cossacks so much and destroyed them in the most cruel way, setting the workers and peasants from central Russia, who formed the basis of the Red Army, against the Cossacks. The "God-chosen" leaders who rose on the wave of the people's revolution were terribly afraid of the Cossacks as the most powerful organized force " [7] .

Hiding behind euphemisms, the leader of the political movement persistently promotes the idea of ​​ethnic categorization of the subjects of social actions. Therefore, his further appeal to the topic of interethnic relations seems quite natural. The basis for the author's reasoning is the thesis that since representatives of many different groups lived and live in the region, xenophobia is impossible here. "Kuban is a multinational region. More than 120 nationalities live here, therefore, like no one else, we understand the danger of nationalism and enmity between peoples" [7] . This is a discursive device typical of regional politicians, which demonstrates commitment to tolerance and lack of prejudice. Almost none of their performances can do without it. Only after giving himself an indulgence, the author proceeds to present his point of view. "The Kuban people have vast experience in interethnic relations. Cossacks have lived for hundreds of years next to a variety of peoples. Of course, it happened differently, but in general, indigenous peoples have learned to live together and peacefully. And in this neighborhood of different peoples, the Russian factor is of great importance" [7] . Thus, the key points of the concept are the postulates of the division of the population into indigenous/non-indigenous and the need for the category "Russian" to dominate.

The hierarchization of the inhabitants of the region according to the degree of their rootedness acts as a legitimizing beginning for the migration policy of the Krasnodar authorities, because the protection of the rights of the "indigenous" is proclaimed its main goal, which justifies all means. "The actions of the administration of the Krasnodar Territory in the field of combating illegal migration are not of a nationalist nature, but are aimed at upholding the rights of the indigenous population of the Kuban of all nationalities. The Kuban is the pearl of Russia, and therefore attracts a lot of people. As a result, the unregulated migration processes lead to the infringement of the rights of indigenous residents, leads to the development of interethnic tensions and conflicts. Of course, the regional government is obliged to respond to this, and it has always responded adequately " [7] .

However, apparently, the author himself also has doubts about this, because in the end he calls for resolving the migration issue in such a way as to "not split Russia along ethnic lines, preserve interethnic peace and friendship of peoples" [7] . This is supposed to be achieved through specific coding of the "Russian" category. “After all, the Russian idea is a multinational idea. Russia was formed by absorbing a variety of peoples and ethnic groups. Russia is a Eurasian country that unites East and West, and for this reason alone the primitive nationalism that they are trying to attribute to the patriots of Russia is impossible in our country. including through the notorious "red belt" [7] . An example of the implementation of this idea, according to the author, are the "Kubans". "The multinational environment of the Kuban forms a special type of character, brings up national pride, self-esteem and the ability to respect people of other nationalities. And here, many in Russia should have learned from the Kuban. It was the national pride and self-esteem of the Kuban people that made it possible to form a patriotic government in the region, which has been acting for many years despite the destructive dictates of Moscow" [7] .

The experience of socio-political development of the region at the turn of the XX-XXI centuries is proposed to be extended to the whole country. A bright future is associated with the mobilization of traditionalist ideas, the backbone of which is great-power nationalism. "We see the key to the revival of Russia in a patriotic, nationally oriented policy based on traditional values, which has absorbed all the best from our rich historical experience. Reliance on traditional values ​​is especially important today, in the period of a massive offensive of globalism that is erasing national characteristics, which means and the culture of people, turning them into the same, made as a blueprint, spiritually poor individuals. Real resistance to this course, pursued by world financial centers, can only be carried out on a patriotic, national field" [7 ] .

N. I. Kondratenko himself, who was among the three leaders of the electoral bloc of the Communist Party, also made campaign appeals. He addressed his appeal primarily to the Russians, as well as to other "indigenous peoples." The significance of the forthcoming elections seems unambiguous to the author. "In these elections, it is decided: either we - Russians, other indigenous peoples - win, or we lose our national interests and doom ourselves to slavery" [8] . Accordingly, the participants in the election campaign are two forces. On the one hand, there are patriots, for whom the main thing is "to save Russia as an independent state, to save the Russian people from destruction" [8] . On the other hand, "the world behind the scenes along with the" fifth column " [8] who have seized power . It is represented by "shifters , alien to our culture, who hate everything Russian" [8] .

Calling for voting for the communist forces, N. I. Kondratenko comes out with a reassessment of the role of this party in Russian history. "The same cosmopolitans and Zionists decossackized and dispossessed Russia. They starved our fathers and mothers, accusing them of sabotage, blew up Orthodox churches and, in their own boorish expression," lifted up the hem of Mother Russia. "It was they who destroyed our ancestors in the camps Gulag. The descendants of these villains shifted their blame to the Russian communists of the war and post-war times" [8]. The class idea finally gives way to the nationalist one.

Representatives of the Liberal Democratic Party also actively produced the discourse of ethnicity during their election campaign, choosing for their appeals the slogan "We are for the poor, we are for the Russians" [9] . Debating the so-called "Russian question" is given a dominant position both in the analysis of the current situation in the country and in the proposed actions. Campaign materials provoke a complex of inferiority in the alleged voter and actualize his xenophobic attitudes. "Being a Russian in 'democratic' Russia is not just hard. Being Russian is also humiliating. It's also not prestigious. We are forced to make excuses even for our victories" [ 9] . In accordance with this, a variant of future political activity is proposed. “We will create a new ideology of patriotism and the highest value of a moral personality. “Russian” sounds lofty and proud! The whole world should know: it is the Russians, their bright mind, spiritual strength, ability for moral deeds that will save Russia and humanity in the difficult trials of the coming decades " [9] .

Turning to the topical issues for the region, the Ldprovites raise the issue of migration, demonstrating an openly xenophobic position. "The Liberal Democratic Party demands the expulsion of all illegal migrants from the Krasnodar Territory, since a huge number of representatives of other nationalities rushed to the Kuban in search of a better life. This worsens the quality of life of the Russian population" [9 ] . And even a positive clarification regarding the citizens of Russia, which should emphasize the great power of the party, demonstrates chauvinistic condescension. "Representatives of other nationalities who have citizenship of the Russian Federation also have the right to reside in the Kuban, subject to strict observance of the legislation of the Russian Federation and the Krasnodar Territory" [9] .

A notable feature of this election campaign was the practice of distributing anonymous leaflets denigrating candidates for deputies. A feature of the current fakes has become the assignment of a prominent place in them to "ethnic information". The stake was made on the use of xenophobic prejudices of voters, so the main method was the attribution or actualization of candidates' belonging to negatively perceived ethnic groups, which they allegedly hide. So Karakay Mikhail Sergeevich is referred to as "Karakson Moses Solomonovich", and Izmailov Vladimir Zakirovich - as "Izmail-hasan-ogly Chingiz Zakirovich".

The manifestation of ethnicity as a fundamental characteristic of candidates for deputies allows the authors of the leaflet, if they wish, to turn this situation around. As immoral behavior will be considered the absence of a public demonstration by the accused person of a sense of complementarity to "his" group. In this case, the candidate is accused of lack of patriotism, rejection of roots, and, ultimately, of betrayal. "It's strange, but for some reason, in almost all campaign materials, the full patronymic of Boris Anushevanovitch Kazakov is hidden behind the letter "A". The Kuban leader of the Union of Armenians of Russia (SAR), Nairi Oganisyan, has repeatedly complained to Dr. The Muslim diaspora of Krasnodar also joined these claims, because his mother, Urakcheeva Marianna Khasanovna, never hid her preference for the Koran over the Bible .

However, the last argument is still terry anti-Semitism. Especially in relation to public politicians. "Let's start in order. Parents: Khankoev's mother is an Armenian, father - Matvey Izralevich Vitekson - a Jew. The correct surname of Khankoev is Vitekson. As a child, he was called" Motya - Zhydenek ". His parents changed his last name and put a stamp in his passport - Russian But after all, as the people say: "But you can't hide your face anywhere, you can't hide it . "

The rooted essentialist understanding of ethnicity cannot but result in xenophobia.

The report on political discourse used materials from the following newspapers:

1. Regional news. - 2003. - No. 33.

2. Krasnodar news. - 2003. - September 6.

3. Free Kuban. - 2003. - October 1.

4. Kuban News. - 2003. - October 16.

5. Kuban News. - 2003. - September 5.

6. Krasnodar news. - 2003. - October 17.

7. Kuban today. - 2003. - September 3.

8. Kuban today. - 2003. - November 28.

9. Pioneer of the Caucasus. - 2003. - No. 47.