Alexey Kochergin. The Dangerous Effects of "Security Concerns"

We are publishing an article by Alexei Kochergin, a sociologist at the Center for Pontic-Caucasian Studies (Krasnodar), devoted to the problem of using hate speech in official documents and the press of the Krasnodar Territory.

In domestic (and not only) public discourse, the Krasnodar Territory is invariably associated with the topic of ethnicity and migration, which even allowed some researchers who are well acquainted with the situation to analyze the region as a showcase of Russian national policy [1 ] . It is mentioned, as a rule, in a negative aspect, where xenophobia and various types of intolerance are widespread and do not meet with active opposition either from the authorities or from the general public. Rather just the opposite. The use of hate speech in this case is no longer perceived as bad form, but is a way of narration that is quite adequate for the situation.

The roots of this state of affairs should be sought in the methodological base on the basis of which the actors conceive the social world. And here it is quite possible to agree with V. Malakhov, who speaks of the dominance in the views of the majority of Russians of ethnocentrism, that is, such thinking, "the basic category of which and the starting point in explaining social reality, in which the concept of ethnos is" [2 ] . The structure of society appears as a result as consisting of "peoples" or "ethnic groups", and those, in turn, are thought of as collective individuals acting as bearers of interests, having the ability to take conscious actions, etc. Accordingly, ethnic groups are considered as subjects of social relations that are in a state of hostility or cooperation among themselves.

A characteristic feature of this view is the "securitization" of interethnic relations. In modern political science, this concept defines a situation where relations between the state and minorities are not considered as a subject of democratic politics, but as a sphere of state security, for the sake of which the state limits the normal political process and imposes restrictions on the self-government of minorities [3 ] . Such discourse is common, as a rule, in societies with little experience of democracy and undergone various experiments of ethnic engineering. U. Kimlichka, in particular, believes that the "securitization" of interethnic relations is characteristic of politics in the countries of Eastern and Central Europe, which contrasts with the "de-securitized" discourse of the rights of ethnic minorities in the West. In his opinion, the notion accepted in Eastern European countries that a strong state is possible only under the condition of the political weakness of minorities is based on the history of imperialism, collaborationism, the exchange of population and border territories in this region. [4] .

Problematization of the issue within the framework of the "discourse of securitization" is the leitmotif of politics and the Krasnodar authorities. This finds its expression in the fact that a different ethnicity, different from the dominant one, is regarded as hostile and dangerous. Any activity of representatives of such minorities is characterized as violating the existing order and encroaching on the very foundations of the state. This quite naturally leads to the conclusion that the only right thing in this situation will be a repressive policy, strict administrative control and restriction of the opportunities for the life of ethnically different people. A clear, reflected in the text, illustration of such an understanding of reality is the Regional Target Program for the Harmonization of Interethnic Relations and the Development of National Cultures in the Krasnodar Territory for 2005 (hereinafter referred to as the CCP), saturated in its analytical part with hate speech.

The situation in the region is presented from the pages of this document as characterized by a number of ethno-social problems. Assessing the geopolitical position of the region, the developers of the KCP consider the North Caucasus region to be a feature of historically being a natural bridge between Europe and Asia, a contact zone of Islamic and Christian civilizations, as well as an object of clashes of interests of world powers. "Starting from the first centuries of Russian statehood and throughout its history, a threat to its security has repeatedly emanated from here . " The reality of today in the North Caucasus is terrorist acts, the growth of crime, the smuggling of weapons, drugs, kidnapping, religious and political extremism.

An analysis of the situation directly in the region begins with a well-established formula that representatives of more than 120 nationalities live here, who "as a result of long historical interaction within the framework of a single state, have a common cultural trait and demonstrate a fairly high degree of tolerance and civil harmony" . Russians, Armenians, Ukrainians, Byelorussians, Circassians, Greeks, Tatars, Germans, Georgians and Azerbaijanis stand out as the most numerous peoples of the region.

However, the developers of the KPC believe that other, negative, in their opinion, factors determine the current state of affairs. Among them, first of all, there is an alleged desire of ethnic communities for compact living. The explanatory model in this case uses the theory of a fifteen percent limit of conflict between the number of migrants in relation to the local population. "Such a specificity of the residence of ethnic groups indicates the presence of objective prerequisites for interethnic tension, when almost any manifestation of discontent among the population can be transferred to the plane of interethnic relations" .

The second important factor is the ideologization of interethnic relations. This is manifested in the fact that public associations in the region often operate on a narrow ethnic and religious basis. "Some seek to influence the political life in the region, they try to assume the functions of power or dictate conditions to the state authorities of the Krasnodar Territory, they hatch the ideas of ethnic separatism" . Allegedly, the activity of emissaries of Islamic religious organizations, representatives of the ultra-radical religious trend - Wahhabism, whose supporters set as their goal the creation of a single Islamic state in the North Caucasus, has noticeably intensified in the region. On the whole, according to the developers of the CCP, ethnic movements "are interesting in that they represent a kind of ethno-political testing ground where trends towards globalization and regionalism, ethnicity and citizenship, political myths and socio-economic realities collide" .

The third determining factor is the so-called "violation of the historically established ethno-demographic balance." "In the last decade, there has been a tendency to reduce the number of the indigenous population: Russians, Adygs, as well as representatives of other nationalities, including Ukrainians, Belarusians, Germans and other old-timer ethnic groups" . At the same time, the appearance on the territory of the region of new ethnic groups, uncharacteristic for it, is noted. "Already in the 1980s, Crimean Tatars settled in the region, then Meskhetian Turks, Kurds, Hemshil Armenians and others" . (Here, what is desired is clearly presented as reality, because both the Kurds, and even more so the Crimean Tatars, lived on the territory of the region before, including in the pre-Soviet period). Migrants are blamed for the same desire to settle compactly and for the fact that "a significant part of them (Armenians, Georgians, Azerbaijanis, Kurds, Yezidis, Crimean Tatars, Meskhetian Turks and others) settle in the most strategically important areas - near the border and on the Black Sea coast .

Another significant characteristic of the ethnic structure of the region is called economic inequality. Many of the newly arrived migrants allegedly occupy a dominant position in the economic sphere and, especially, in commercial activities. "In addition, they are united by unspoken rules and agreements in the formation of their own pricing and other protectionist policies" . Significant funds are deducted by them for the ideological support of the consolidation of diasporas in the territory of the region. "New religious institutions are being created, and essentially political organizations are actively working under the banner of national-cultural associations, often realizing the interests of diasporas or their most enterprising and organized part (leaders, activists)" . The local population, for various reasons, found themselves in less favorable conditions and perceive migrants as a threat to their well-being. Therefore, in the region "an irreconcilable social rivalry arises in the sphere of disposing of local economic and natural resources between the local population and non-indigenous representatives of ethnic groups" .

Thus, the developers of the CPC demonstrate in it almost all the variety of types of hate speech classified as "medium" and "soft". And this is not seen as a problem by the local community, because under the dominance of the "securitization discourse" only such language can be used. It can be made more politically correct, but in its essence it will remain discriminatory and derogatory to the Other.

An inevitable consequence of such a view of the world is the discursive practice of criminalizing "other-ethnic". A characteristic feature of the Krasnodar discourse of ethnicity is the stigmatization in this capacity of Roma, who are only represented as criminals. A typical example of the manifestation of such ideas can serve as an article in the newspaper "Volnaya Kuban" dated March 2, 2005 [5] , the very title of which already shows the direction of the publication - "On the tip of a gypsy needle."

Gypsies are primarily associated with drug trafficking crimes, and the article begins with the assertion of this thesis. Her first sentences read: "The drug business has easily and imperceptibly become the family business of the gypsies. This is a real problem for the cities and regions of the Kuban . " Thus, from the opening lines, the order of discourse and the basic mechanisms through which it is built are clearly manifested.

Firstly, this is the initial definition of the mode of the text, the unambiguous categorization of the topic under discussion from the very first sentences, which does not allow any other perspective to manifest itself. In this case, the gypsies are already classified as drug criminals at the beginning of the article, and the reader has no opportunity to doubt this or look at the situation from the other side. The negative content of this classification is emphasized by pointing out the problematic nature of such activities for the region, thereby positioning the gypsies as a danger directly to the inhabitants of the region.

Secondly, the generalization of the object of the narration is carried out, that is, the identified category of people is considered as an integrity and a collective subject, and the practices characteristic of some of its representatives apply to everyone and become markers of the community being affirmed. This is a widely used rhetorical move, which in its essence does not require argumentation, especially with regard to the discourse of ethnicity practiced in Russia, since, as a rule, ethnic communities cannot be thought of in any other way. The use of illustrative evidence in this case is not so much a legitimization of the judgment as its strengthening. And the universal way here is "playing with statistics", the magic of numbers which usually overshadows the meaning contained in them. This can also be observed in the article under consideration, where the thesis-setting is supplemented with the corresponding reference: “For example, out of 210 gypsies officially residing in Gulkevichi, eighteen are registered with the drug control department in the Krasnodar Territory due to their specific activities. According to statistics, almost every second gypsy family, someone at least once was convicted of distributing drugs" . An unprejudiced eye will not see in the data presented any evidence of a special inclination of the Gypsies to the drug business and their general enthusiasm for this activity. However, with an already predetermined perception, readers generally interpret this evidence in this way.

The further text of the article is a story about specific examples of the criminal acts of drug dealers and an attempt to analyze the organization of this criminal business. At the same time, the ethnic factor not only does not recede into the background, but is constantly updated and appears as a fundamental element of the explanatory model. In fact, the reader is forced into the idea that a particular ethnicity programs a person for delinquent acts, and one cannot expect any other behavior from a representative of such an ethnic culture.

A similar effect is achieved through several discursive actions that can be classified as a manifestation of hate speech. First of all, the idea is being actively promoted that the drug trade is the eternal business of the gypsies, they have been engaged in it since childhood, and they have no other life paths. "A gypsy nicknamed Humpbacked almost from birth was a drug dealer. Having lived to the age of 48, he advanced well up the criminal personnel ladder, receiving the title of drug lord . " It is emphasized that for them this is a family affair, that is, the processes of socialization have a certain direction, and, therefore, this craft acts as a cultural norm for members of this community. "As the owner of this property later admitted, she has been involved in drug trafficking since childhood. Her repeatedly convicted parents also earned the same trade. The husband of the detainee is also behind bars for selling drugs. "

Strengthens the thesis about the cultural predestination of Roma to engage in drug trafficking, but to a greater extent moralizes the issue by the repeated mention in the article of cases of using children for criminal purposes. "Often their own children are used in business. A minor is an excellent agent. If an adult person takes on the actual activity, then it is the child who, by age, is not responsible for his actions, transmits dope. " For most readers, a child's prosperous childhood appears to be a significant moral value, and conscious actions to involve him in deviant practices are assessed by them primarily as immoral. Describing in some detail the role of children in the drug trade, the journalist thereby actualizes precisely the moral ideas of the audience and stigmatizes the heroes of his publication as vicious. "By the way, children are accustomed to such fake tears, which should instantly appear when absolutely necessary, from childhood. At this moment, law enforcement officers usually pay less attention to children. And then the prepared kid runs to the hiding place and destroys the evidence." . Thus, the gypsies are represented as immoral people, violating the morality common in society and, in this sense, as asocial beings.

Another way of emphasizing the cultural alienation of the Roma is also the repeated postulation of the clan nature of their social organization. Close family ties attributed to gypsies are not only not regarded as a virtue, but on the contrary, without any reservations, they are identified with criminal gangs. "A well-established clan-clan system is an almost ideal structure, protected from undercover work and operational activities. Organized and able to reach each client, gypsy drug groups have taken a prominent place among ethnic criminal groups. " In the spatial context, this clan system appears in the form of territorial enclaves formed by them, where society loses its mechanisms of influencing the situation, and the surrounding population, accordingly, is not protected from arbitrariness. "Usually gypsies live in whole blocks in their own private houses. Such accuracy gives them another guarantee of safety from the drug police . " The forms of social organization supposedly characteristic of the Gypsies are finally given a negative meaning by asserting the immorality present inside them, which should once again show the depravity and moral decay of the representatives of this ethnic community. "They rarely betray each other. If this still happens, then only between competitors - representatives of different clans . "

The discussion of the moral, or rather, just the reverse image of the gypsies, thus, serves as one of the discursive ways of representing them. They try to irrevocably convince readers of the moral inferiority of this group by pointing out the use of drugs by the drug dealers themselves. “Despite the fact that it is the husband who is the “king” of all affairs, practical activities, including delivery negotiations, lie entirely with the woman. At the same time, almost the entire male half actively uses their own goods. hinders the family business . " With this passage, the moral degradation of the gypsies is completely absolutized: here is the corruption of others, and their own corruption, and the exploitation of women, moreover.

It should be noted that the statement of isolation and compactness of ethnic minorities is one of the constitutive features of the Krasnodar discourse of ethnicity, which is actively supported by the scientific research of a number of local representatives of the academic corps, producing ideas like "encapsulation of groups" [6 ] . Therefore, resorting now in his narrative to the problematization of this aspect of the topic, the author does not so much seek to prove something to the reader as refers to the background knowledge already formed by that reader, includes existing ethnic stereotypes and, in general, ideas about how the life of minorities is organized. Another discursive action, addressing the topic of migration, is aimed at the same to a greater extent.

In the article under consideration, the story about migrant gypsies is an independent, but the same storyline in content. "The white death trade is the main business of both local and guest performers traveling with a bunch of children in southern Russia between Rostov, Stavropol and Krasnodar" . The only goal of visitors is seen in the drug trade, which is what their whole life is subordinated to. "Guest performers mainly come from the Moscow, Rostov, Voronezh regions and the Stavropol Territory. These are drug dealers who are already well known to law enforcement agencies in their homeland, which is why they wander through villages and cities. " The presented image of a gypsy migrant is mostly similar to the characteristics of a villain from fairy tales: cunning, treacherous, cautious, tempter, possessing significant resources, weakly vulnerable. Moreover, he also hides his disguise. "Gypsies live under false names, and keep their real documents in hiding places. Because of this, great difficulties arise in identifying . " Therefore, the only way to solve the problem raised is the mobilization of all the forces and resources of society, the personal participation of each inhabitant of the region in this struggle. Specifically required actions are not indicated, but they are prompted to the reader by his everyday, in this case, ethnic knowledge. And these are deportations, strict administrative control and all that lawyers call discrimination and violation of human rights.

However, it would not be entirely correct to lay all the responsibility for the cultivation of hate speech, which manifests itself in the statement about the criminality of a particular ethnic group, on the mass media. In many ways, they follow the lead of those experts whose social role is to analyze and control such a sphere of public life as crime. And we have to admit that law enforcement officers look at her through "ethnic glasses." An example is the press release of the UFSNK of the Russian Federation for the Krasnodar Territory [7] with the results of the activities of drug police in the Southern Federal District for 2004, which emphasizes and highlights precisely "ethnic" crime and the fight against it. "A particular danger is posed by 155 ethnic criminal groups with extensive ties in the near and far abroad. First of all, these are Tajik, Uzbek, Azerbaijani, Gypsy groups that control the illegal drug market in the district, have their own drug smuggling channels, and are engaged in their wholesale deliveries and implementation" . The understanding of the situation given by the security forces and the arguments used are exactly the same as what we saw in the journalistic text, and which are enshrined in the everyday knowledge of ordinary people. "The clan system of social relations within national communities determines the high degree of organization of criminal communities that arise there and the difficulty of exposing their criminal activities. The process of practically uncontrolled migration of the population, including from traditionally drug-prone Asian regions, complicates the operational situation. " So the idea of ​​the criminality of "other ethnic" is reproduced at all levels of public discourse, each of which legitimizes the others, but at the same time is supported by them.

I am inclined to explain the commitment of the Russian authorities to debate ethnicity in the context of the “securitization discourse” by the fact that issues related to the category of “law and order” can be very effectively “hyped” as issues of concern in society, especially in cases where this concern is reflected in scholarly and authoritative interpretations of "social ills" and political programs that promise to cure them. "In a world where security and certainty is becoming less and less, there is a strong temptation to take refuge in a "safe haven"; therefore, the protection of the territory - the "safe house" - becomes the universal key for all doors that, it seems to us, need to be locked in order to threat from our spiritual and material comfort" [8] .

There is a lot of tension around the pursuit of security. And where there is tension, smart people will undoubtedly find an opportunity to earn political capital. Therefore, all measures for the deportation of illegal migrants from the region receive wide coverage in the media. The Krasnodar authorities look tough, strong and resolute, and most importantly, it seems that they are "doing something", and they do it in a highly dramatic, tangible and visible, such a convincing form. And here the effectiveness of punitive operations is much more important than their effectiveness, which, due to sluggish public attention and short-lived public memory, is rarely discussed at all. And the hate speech is so effective!

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[1] Osipov A. Krasnodar region as a showcase of Russian national policy // Diaspora. 2004. No. 4. S. 6-37.

[2] Malakhov V. Is Ethnocentric Thinking Overcomable? // Racism in the language of social sciences / Ed. V. Voronkova, O. Karpenko, A. Osipova. St. Petersburg: Aleteyya, 2002, p. 11.

[3] См. Weaver, O. Securitization and Desecuritization // On Security / Еd. R. Lipschutz. New York: Columbia University Press, 1995.

[4] Kymlicka, Will. Multiculturalism and Minority Rights: West and East // Journal of Ethnopolitics and Minority Issues in Europe. 2002. Issue 4. Pp. 20-21.

[5] Eremenko O. On the point of a gypsy needle // Volnaya Kuban. 2005. March 2.

[6] Savva M.V., Savva E.V. Press, power and ethnic conflict (Relationship on the example of the Krasnodar Territory). Krasnodar: Kuban state. un-t, 2002. S. 49.

[7] Drug control authorities in the Southern Federal District declare danger from ethnic drug groups // http://www.yuga.ru/news/46153/index.html?print=1

[8] Bauman Z. Globalization. Consequences for the individual and society. M .: Publishing house "Ves Mir", 2004. S. 165.