SUMMARY

RADICAL NATIONALISM AND MANIFESTATIONS OF AGGRESSIVE XENOPHOBIA IN AUTUMN 2011 : Violence : Vandalism : public activity of far-right groups : Nationalism in political establishment

COUNTERACTION TO RADICAL NATIONALISM AND XENOPHOBIA : public opposition : Criminal persecution : ( punishment for violence : Penalties for propaganda ): Administrative measures : ( Federal list of extremist materials : Confession extremist organizations : Other administrative measures )

Application. Crime and punishment statistics (in application in word format)

Summary

This report was prepared in the midst of a protest movement following the December 4 parliamentary elections 2011 The scope and nature of this movement were completely unexpected, including and for political activists of various persuasions who took part in it. That's why now we see the events of autumn from a new situation, and we see them ourselves radical nationalists. The latter have not yet been able to play for real significant role in the December events (we will write more about this in report for 2011). To understand why this happened, it is necessary refer to the events immediately preceding the election.

The autumn period [1] can be characterized as “time unfulfilled hopes." It seemed that the fall of 2011 began for right-wing radicals in extremely favorable conditions. First, in a situation of gradual awakening political life in the country, all the prerequisites for mobilizing them “comrades-in-arms”, secondly, the authorities became more tolerant of their public actions, thirdly, the right-wing radicals had a hope for cooperation with the system parties and exit from a marginal position.

However, as development of events, it became clear that the presence of favorable conditions is not yet means they will be used. Pretty fast contacts with the system parties began to decline (probably due to a ban from above on the use xenophobic rhetoric before the elections), and the actions carried out by the ultra-right themselves are by no means did not break mass records, having gathered about the same number of people as earlier. This also applied to the traditional "Russian March", which expanded its geography, but on the main, capital, march, there were practically no participants more than a year earlier. However, it should be noted that the far right was able to add some political weight by having a really loud and discussed action “Stop feeding the Caucasus!” and having managed to attract two of his public events of the famous blogger Alexei Navalny (albeit without his supporters).

nationalists, despite the fact that their views are much more in demand in society than, for example, the liberals were unable to get out of their marginal positions, as they are hindered by a bad reputation in the active part of society, lack of good organization and leaders who would be respected by most members of the movement.

Probably in connection with the pre-election activity of right-wing radicals of the traditional for autumn surge there was no violence this year - its level remained the same as in summer. This is also related to the improvement in the quality of prosecution for violent racist crimes.

Unfortunately, this improvement did not affect the prosecution of xenophobic propaganda at all: an increase in the number of sentences again comes at the expense of punishments for minor acts, which, in fact, should not become the object of criminal persecution.

federal list extremist materials was actively replenished and has already exceeded 1000 points, although it's almost impossible to use it. Materials are included without output data or with errors, positions are repeated.

It is significant that The Department of Justice has put forward a bill in which it planned to get rid of from their control and registration functions, in particular, from maintaining Federal List and issuance of warnings about the inadmissibility of extremist activities of public organizations. But this project did not meet with government support.

Radical

nationalism and manifestations of aggressive xenophobia in autumn 2011

Violence

In the fall of 2011, the SOVA Center recorded at least 28 victims of racist and neo-Nazi violence, 3 people from of them were killed, 25 were injured. We do not see the surge of violence expected in the autumn, the data are actually similar to those for the summer of 2011 (23 victims). At this fall of 2010, we recorded 77 victims, of which 10 people died [2] .

In total, 143 people were injured in 11 months of this year, of these, 18 people died. In addition, 6 people received serious threats murder. For the whole of 2010, 439 people were injured, 43 of them died. Except In addition, 5 received death threats. Again, we have to state that our statistics are far from complete, we learn about past attacks from a big delay - about 20% growth per year. From year to year information about racist attacks is becoming less accessible, despite the declared concern about "ethnic conflicts" is reported less and less frequently. And still the media talk about incidents in such a way that the nature of the crimes incomprehensible, it is often not always possible to distinguish a domestic attack from racist. But even taking into account these factors, it is indisputable that racist attacks became smaller.

Recall that we provide data on attacks without taking into account victims in the republics of the North Caucasus and victims of mass fights. For autumn Over the past few months, we have encountered reports of such fights twice, and both times in Stavropol Territory (in October - in the village of Suvorovskaya, in September - in the village Divnoe). In both cases, the cause of the collision was a T-shirt with the inscription "I am Russian", worn by one of the participants. In the first case, the collision was between representatives of the Greek community and the Cossacks, in the second - between people from Caucasus and local residents. Both incidents, reflecting the tense atmosphere in this region, caused a strong reaction in right-wing blogs.

Attacks in the autumn months were recorded in 13 regions countries (in Moscow and the Moscow region, St. Petersburg, Amur, Arkhangelsk, Kaluga, Novosibirsk, Rostov, Tomsk, Chelyabinsk regions, Primorsky and Stavropol Territories, the Republic of Buryatia).

The victims were representatives of informal youth groups (8 injured), people of unspecified "non-Slavic appearance" (6 injured), members of religious groups (5 wounded), dark-skinned (3 wounded, 1 killed), natives of Central Asia (1 killed, 1 injured), natives of the Caucasus (2 injured), natives of other Asian countries (1 wounded) [3] .

Judging by these data, the natives of Central Asia have ceased be the main target of far-right attacks. However, we cannot do this claim, since it is known that of the six victims with a "non-Slavic appearance” more than half were victims of attacks by members of the “Russian March” November 4 - we cannot identify these victims with certainty, we note only that visitors to far-right blogs and forums write about their “Asian appearance”, which could well be Central Asian.

The number of attacks on representatives of youth subcultures and leftist organizations over the past two years remains in our statistics consistently high. As can be seen from the above data, this season they also became the main victims of the far right. Among such victims, firstly, musicians and visitors to anti-fascist concerts, secondly, leftists social and political activists (participants of the procession "SibAntiKap-2011" in Tomsk), thirdly, ecologists (defenders of the Chelyabinsk city forest). Despite to hypothetically different ideological orientations, often all these groups consist mainly from anarchists and representatives of leftist movements.

Tensions in the Far-Right-Ultra-Left-Police Triangle increases. In particular, this is manifested in the fact that the affected representatives left-wing organizations accuse the police of being involved in the attacks. Yes, by According to the participants of the procession against capitalism in Tomsk, the neo-Nazi group that attacked them the group is possibly associated with one of the deputies of the Tomsk City Duma from "United Russia". Affected members of leftist organizations in Chelyabinsk also wrote about the possibility of linking the attack with the police.

As we mentioned above, the statistics of attacks in the fall traditionally replenished by those affected by the participants of the "Russian March" on November 4. Us known at least two attacks in the subway in Moscow and one - in St. Petersburg. And this is not counting the clashes of the "marching" in Moscow with passers-by who expressed their disagreement with this way of celebrating.

This season we again encountered notable cases manifestations of racism among football fans. In particular, in Krasnodar before the match FC Kuban (Krasnodar) - FC Anji (Makhachkala) Kuban fans wrote on the pavement near the stadium “Bananas do not grow here! 88" and posted on tribune banner with imperial flag and xenophobic inscription.

Provocative xenophobic videos. The most resonant of them was the November 27 a video in which a native of the Caucasus allegedly cuts the throat of a Russian woman. Quicker of all, the video is staged and made by analogy with the videos "Format-18". There are different versions of who is behind this video. It could be a provocation appealing to anti-Caucasian and anti-Islamic sentiments in society, made according to the instructions popular at the beginning of 2009 [4] . However it could also have been made by people from the Caucasus: it was even invented a legend that in this way a new member of the "Caucasian gang" is "smeared with blood." Video clip actively spread and caused the expected negative reaction.

Vandalism

In the fall of 2011, according to the Sova Center, there were at least 23 acts of vandalism motivated by hatred or radical nationalist ideological attitudes, in 12 regions of the country. Approximately the same amount was recorded in the summer of 2011 (22 acts). Compared to last fall the activity of vandals has somewhat decreased (in autumn 2010 - at least 30 acts). In total, since the beginning of the year in 32 regions of the country there have been at least 76 acts of vandalism.

Most of all, in the fall of 2011, the Orthodox and Jewish objects (5 cases each). Almost the same number of acts vandalism committed in relation to Protestant and Muslim objects (according to 4 cases). It should be noted that in the fall, the desecration that had begun earlier did not stop. Muslim graves in Nizhny Novgorod, in September-November we recorded 2 similar cases [5] . Buildings were also damaged. new religious movements (3 cases) and ideological monuments (2 cases). Remarkably, that, in addition to the traditionally desecrated monument to Lenin, the monument also suffered to General Yermolov in Stavropol, which was marked with a xenophobic inscription. Except In addition, we recorded at least 7 notable graffiti actions in Moscow, Petersburg, the Jewish Autonomous Region, the Republics of Tatarstan and Mari El.

The activity of vandals during this period was mainly limited to drawing neo-Nazi graffiti (15 cases) [6] . However, really dangerous acts were also committed - explosions and arson. Yes, in Eltse, an attempt was made to set fire to the building of Jehovah's Witnesses, in Moscow - an Orthodox temple, in Nizhnevartovsk the Pentecostal building was shelled, and in Kaliningrad tried to blow up the mosque.

Public activity of far-right groups

The autumn period began for far-right groups with some disappointment that the contacts with the system parties, which they are so active established in the spring and summer, do not bring any real results: the Liberal Democratic Party did not include none of the members of the "Russian Committee", created in the summer under the party, in their electoral lists; "Just Cause" after leaving the post of its leader Mikhail Prokhorova, in fact, withdrew from the election race; ranks of "Just Russia" left the leader of the OSA movement and part-time member of the nationalist organization "People's Cathedral" Nikita Slepnev [7] .

However, this situation does not lead to a general positive attitude. spoiled it - by the beginning of autumn, the ultra-right was convinced that their ideology is the most in demand in society, and the fact that the systemic parties made contact with them, once again confirms this. On the autumn pre-election period, a bet was made on holding public actions, which, as the organizers expected, would break all mass records.

First of all, this mass character was to be provided the growing degree of protest activity of right-wing radicals as we approach the elections. As before, anti-government sentiment was fueled in every possible way by messages about the allegedly unlawful persecution of supporters of the ultra-right ideology, about crimes of officials and employees of law enforcement agencies, etc. However, not far-right shied away from using old, time-tested technologies mobilizations that exploit primarily xenophobic rather than anti-government sentiment.

As we have noted more than once, the most commonly used technology here is the promotion of violent incidents involving ethnic Russians on the one hand and ethnic "outsiders" on the other. Despite all efforts, in the fall, none of these incidents "shot", however the constant flickering of such information, of course, contributed to maintaining ultra-right environment "in good shape".

Potentially the most explosive were the deaths in Podolsk CSKA fan Andrei Uryupin in a fight with a native of Dagestan and death in Petersburg fan of FC Zenit Roman (Robin) Lovchikov in a fight with a native from Uzbekistan. In both cases, the ultra-right was clearly counting on a repetition events on Manezhnaya Square, but nothing of the kind happened.

The action in memory of A. Uryupin was scheduled for October 8 and was supposed to take place in Moscow on Manezhnaya Square. It received no more than 150 people, almost 100 of whom were detained on the way.

Action in memory of R. Lovchikov, organized by the movement "Russians", which took place on October 27 in St. Petersburg, despite lengthy preparations and widely distributed announcements, has become even less mass: no more than 20 people gathered at the Gostiny Dvor. fan groups, the action of the "Russians" was ignored.

In addition to promoting violent incidents, the organization "Russians" tried to mobilize supporters with the help of another anti-Islamic campaigns. In September, an announcement about the beginning of the collection of signatures appeared on the DPNI website under an appeal to Moscow Mayor Sergei Sobyanin demanding to limit holding the Muslim holiday Eid al-Adha on November 6–7 [8] . The authors tried to arouse the dissatisfaction of readers, emphasizing that on purpose places organized for Muslim holidays remain empty, and believers they still block roads in the city center, near the Prospekt Mira metro station. In the text there were also “human rights” references to the offended feelings of non-Muslims and restrictions freedom of movement of citizens. The initiative did not receive much support, as, however, a year ago, when the ultra-right tried before the "Russian March" earn political points by participating in construction protests mosques.

However, the main stakes were placed on traditional large autumn actions - "In memory of victims of ethnocrime" and, of course, "Russian March".

Preparations for these events during a period of high political activity intensified competition between ultra-right organizations and again actualized the conflict between the two most prominent of them: the “Russians” (coalition of the former DPNI and the Slavic Union (SS), National Socialist initiatives (NSI) and a number of other organizations) and the Russian Public Movement (ROD). Recall that in the winter between the then not yet banned DPNI and the ROD arose disagreement over which of the organizations will become the center of unifying processes in the right-wing radical environment. By the spring, when the coalition "Russians" appeared, which the ROD did not enter, it became obvious that a competing project from associates of Konstantin Krylov. The transformation that followed ROD in the association did not lead to any significant changes in the alignment forces - and in the autumn the organization made another attempt to create around itself a large organization with a broad base of supporters.

In early September, information appeared about the creation of a new coalition of ultra-right organizations - the "Russian Platform", where, in addition to the ROD, entered the Russian Civil Union (RGS) (Anton Susov) and, after some time, Moscow Defense League (Daniil Konstantinov), Russian Imperial Union (RID) (Stanislav Vorobyov) and several smaller organizations. The aim of the project was the formation of an ultra-right “civil movement” that can influence agenda through mass action.

The list of issues that the Russian Platform highlights in significant, not new: the recognition of Russia as a national state of the Russian people, the abolition of subsidies to the Caucasian regions (“Stop feeding the Caucasus!”), repeal of Art. 282 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, legalization of firearms, etc. [9] From This list shows that the organization tries to please everyone by choosing only those slogans that can be supported by a large number of supporters and will not cause disputes and disagreements. The creators obviously counted on joining the shares football fans, for whom a separate item was allocated the demand for the abolition of " all vowels and unspoken preferences for Caucasian football clubs .

The first thing the Russian Platform did was to hold All-Russian campaign "Stop feeding the Caucasus!" (de facto launched by the forces of the ROD and RGS in the spring). It was assumed that under this slogan will be organized many rallies throughout the country, which will be able to attract not only active supporters of nationalist ideology, but also those who share anti-Caucasian views, but is not a consistent nationalist.

Accordingly, the first conflict between the "Russians" and the "Russian platform” occurred because of the Moscow action “In memory of the victims of ethnocrime”, when the organizations included in the Russian Platform decided to hold a own event as part of their own campaign. Take part in the rally “Stop feeding the Caucasus!” they offered to everyone, including organizations that are part of the Russian coalition, but they refused - and As a result, on October 1, two actions of the ultra-right took place in Moscow.

The rally, organized by the association "Russians", took place near the metro "Chistye Prudy", near the place of death of a fan of "Spartak" Yuri Volkov. In stock According to various estimates, 150-200 people took part. From "Russians" attended by Alexander Belov, Georgy Borovikov, Dmitry Demushkin, Vladimir Ermolaev. The first three spoke to the audience, A. Belov even read prayer. The participants of the action carried portraits of “victims of ethno-crime” and laid flowers to the place of Yu. Volkov's death. The "Russians" failed to agree on the rally, the action took place in the format of a gathering of citizens, and the police did not interfere with it.

After the rally, some of its participants attacked activists gathered for the "March of Equality" against discrimination against women and LGBT, against all forms of xenophobia and discrimination, which took place in the same place, on Chistye Prudy. The nationalists began to shout at the opponents threats, and then threw tomatoes at them. They also tried to unfurl posters with obscene inscriptions, and one went to the protesters with a paintball gun. Further, right-wing radicals followed the protesters in the subway and attacked them. there. It is reported that a fight broke out in the subway and a gas canister was sprayed. The clash was interrupted by the police, who detained about 40 people as neo-Nazis, and participants of the "March of Equality".

The action of the "Russian Platform" was agreed with the Moscow the authorities. The event was held in the form of a procession along the Taras Shevchenko embankment, According to various estimates, from 300 to 500 people took part in it, including football fans. The leader of the Moscow Defense League D. Konstantinov read out the list people killed by "ethnobandits" (from football fan Yegor Sviridov to Colonel Yuri Budanov), after which the participants walked from the metro station "Vystavochnaya" to the hotel "Ukraine", where a rally with demands introduction of a visa regime with the republics of the North Caucasus. After graduation about 100 participants, young people aged 14–20, including football fans clubs, already without the participation of the organizers, gathered in a column and went along Kutuzovsky Prospekt towards the center, lighting fires and shouting slogans: “Russia for Russians, Moscow for Muscovites!”, “Garbage is a disgrace to Russia!”, “F*ck Caucasus, f*ck! As the nationalists approached the Government House, detentions: about 30 people were detained, the rest fled.

After October 1, the leaders of competing organizations began to actively blame each other for the split. Firstly, the "Russians" considered that the ROD used someone else's idea (the idea of ​​the action "against ethnic crime" was proposed in 2009 DPNI) to promote its Stop Feeding the Caucasus! campaign. Secondly, the very idea of ​​the campaign was criticized for what could lead to secession Caucasus from Russia, and the "Russians", they say, stand for the integrity of the country. Third, The "Russians" were dissatisfied with the choice of the place where the ROD decided to hold their action. D. Demushkin called the Taras Shevchenko embankment a "pen for the opposition", and the ROD was accused of “bending before the officials” for agreeing to “walk through the forest” in order to " Calling over the wind from the river, being hidden from all the townspeople by a long earthen rampart and kilometers of garages and industrial zones, telling ourselves loudly about how bad ethnic crime " [10] .

ROD, in turn, said that the "Russians" were simply “pull the blanket over themselves” by refusing to participate in this action. More moreover, they were accused of intending to provoke activists of the national movement to unjustified clashes with the police and detentions, because the action on the embankment was sanctioned, but the action of the "Russians" was not.

The CSG also joined the conflict. A. Susov in his blog criticized Demushkin's statement regarding the murder of Ivan Agafonov [11] : Susov was indignant that after the statement about the "everyday" nature of the murder of Demushkin submitted his notice to hold an event in memory of the “victims of ethnocrime". In the comments to the publication, a discussion began, during which Susov accused the leaders of the "Russians" association of allegedly trying to "merge" the slogan "Stop feeding the Caucasus!" after a summer visit to Chechnya and promises made to Ramzan Kadyrov.

Actions "In memory of the victims of ethnocrime" were held not only in Moscow, but also in other cities - Kazan, Novosibirsk, St. Petersburg, Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk, Syktyvkar and Tomsk. Only in St. Petersburg did the action become more or less noticeable. - about 80 people, and in other cities the number of people who came did not exceed 20 Human. Despite the fact that both Moscow events were not massive, the action of the Russian Platform turned out to be loud, which was what it was counted on organizers.

The conflict did not subside and gradually flared up already around the main event of the autumn - "Russian March". So, in early October, Matvei Tseng, an activist ROD, in his LiveJournal wrote: “ Formed two centers for the organization of the Russian March - 2011: one around the “Russians” movement, and the other around the National Democrats. The difference between them is that the “Russians” movement strongly opposes the slogan “Stop feeding Caucasus". The National Democrats, on the other hand, believe that “Stop feeding the Caucasus” is one of the current political slogans of Russian nationalists and its absence will at least very strange, and the opinion of Ramzan Kadyrov on this matter is not is significant. Neither side wants a split, although the “Russians” movement has already begun de facto independent preparations for the Russian March " [12] .

Many of those who read this felt that the author was hinting to the fact that the leaders of the “Russians” movement “sold out to Kadyrov” and that is why they did not want to use the slogan. In response to this, the activist of the "Russians" Sofya Budnikova (ex-DPNI-Kursk) in her LiveJournal published a post titled “Nerds or provocateurs?”, in which she stated that the rejection of the slogan “Stop feeding the Caucasus!” motivated by the fact that if it is used, the Russian March will is guaranteed prohibited and that, they say, the ROD and the CSG cannot fail to understand this [13] .

It is not known in what composition the Russian March would have taken place if organizations moved from bickering to open confrontation. However, this did not happen: The Russian Platform refused to confront. The reason for this was probably the small number of participants in the all-Russian campaign “Stop feeding the Caucasus!”, which took place on 22 October.

In Moscow, the rally took place on Bolotnaya Square and gathered about 300 people. The organizers considered one of their main achievements the fact that that they managed to attract blogger Alexei Navalny, who spoke at the rally together with the leaders of the organizations included in the Russian Platform - Konstantin Krylov, Vladimir Thor, A. Susov and D. Konstantinov. In addition, the shares took participation of the leader of the "Democratic Choice" (part of the PARNAS party) Vladimir Milov. It can be seen from the list of speakers that the organizers clearly expected that the action would be attended by not only ultra-right activists, but also people whose views are mild nationalist. However, despite the wide promotion of the action and participation A. Navalny and V. Milov, only slightly more people came to it than managed to attract to the first action "Stop feeding the Caucasus!" Moscow in the spring of this year, even before it was decided to make the slogan the basis for the nationwide campaign. That is, all the efforts of the organizers to promote new initiative clearly did not bring the desired result.

In addition to Moscow, actions were held in St. Petersburg, Novosibirsk and Pskov and nowhere have gathered more than 100 people. Note that in Novosibirsk the main slogan of the action also mutated into the slogan “Stop feeding Moscow!”, so a rally in this city can only be hardly attributed to the campaign.

However, it is impossible and unequivocally claim that the campaign failed. Despite the fact that the rallies did not gather a large number of participants, the far right and their actions, perhaps for the first time since events on Manezhnaya Square managed to become a significant item on the agenda. The slogan was discussed in some detail and was even mentioned in the December Direct lines" with Vladimir Putin.

small number rallies “Stop feeding the Caucasus!” was not the only reason ROD nevertheless agreed to take part in the Russian March. Another incentive which prompted them to move away from confrontation, was the consent of A. Navalny perform at the Russian March. Note that since 2010, the leadership ROD clearly relied on A. Navalny as a potential leader far-right movement, hoping somehow to involve him in joint work. How shows the participation of a popular blogger in two actions of right-wing radicals at once, they it still succeeded. True, it turned out along the way that numerous supporters Navalny is not at all inclined to go with him to nationalist events.

"Russian March" traditionally took place on November 4 in many cities countries.

Organizations such as "Russians", "Russian Platform" (in the column of which A. Navalny walked), "Soyuz Orthodox gonfalon-bearers" (even two groups claiming this name), "Russian image", "People's Cathedral", "Oryol Front" (Oryol neo-pagan group, allegedly sharing the ideas promoted by the "Northern Brotherhood"), the Varyag movement, the Russian Sun organization, and, of course, many more or less organized groups of autonomous neo-Nazis.

The procession traditionally ended rally. Among the speakers were V. Tor (who read out “Kremlin, listen to our order - stop feeding the Caucasus! "") and Alla Gorbunova (ROD); Ivan Mironov (defendant in the case of the attempt on Anatoly Chubais, acquitted in September 2010 of the year); French Renaissance leader Thibault de Chasse (who urged not to allow Russia to have as many visitors as in France); A. Navalny, A. Belov, D. Konstantinov - all three opposed the United Russia party, and Belov called for taking to the streets after the elections; George Borovikov (Russians, RFO "Pamyat"), who said that it was time to take power into his own hands and create elite paramilitaries and formations to bring Russian order. The resolution of the rally was read by Dmitry Demushkin, ending it with the words "Power, go away!"

In St. Petersburg, the action took place in the Yuzhno-Primorsky Park and brought together about 500 people. The protesters marched under imperial flags, the state flags of the Russian Federation, the banners of the SS and NSI. The rally was led by Dmitry Sukhorukov (Petersburg DPNI) and Nikolai Bondarik (RID). The rally ended speech by the leader of the group "Kolovrat" Denis Gerasimov [14] . After the end of the action, a column of young people numbering approximately 200-250 people, chanting xenophobic slogans, marched from the park to the metro "Leninsky Prospekt". In the subway, the marchers began to mock people "non-Slavic appearance." There are no police officers either in the carriage or at the stations. was. According to right-wing blogs, " there were two white cars " [15] , where one person was severely beaten.

Summing up the march, it can be noted that its geography expanded: it was held in at least 35 cities, cities were added where such actions have never been held before: Pyatigorsk, Rybinsk, Novomoskovsk, Smolensk, Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky, Vologda, Surgut. In some cases managed to gather many times more people than in previous years. However, the main shares Moscow and St. Petersburg - turned out to be clearly less crowded than organizers expected. Say, in Moscow, the organizers were planning a possible participation of 20 or even 25 thousand people, while in reality in Lublino no more than six thousand people gathered (and a year earlier in the same place - five and a half thousand). Thus, a new population record was set, but in "the year after Manezhki ”it was difficult to consider it a convincing success.

Autonomous right-wing radicals, who, apparently, also expected to a larger number of marchers, they again started talking about the need “to act, not to rally” (unlike last year, when unexpectedly managed to gather significantly more people than expected, which caused a large joy in the environment and gave rise to various speculations about the growing "national identity").

Finally, we note that ROD was not the only an organization that had a conflict with the "Russians" before the "Russian March". Back in early September, the National Unity Front "Imperial Union" (Sergey Semenov) published a statement in which he called on his supporters and activists not to take part in the "Russian March" on November 4, organized association "Russians", so as not to be a "bargaining chip" for those who go to collusion with the government. Then the "Imperial Youth Union" created an alternative initiative group for the preparation of the "Russian March", to which gradually organizations such as the National Power Party of Russia joined (NDPR), "Union of People's Socialists", "Russovet", All-Russian Religious Union "Russian folk faith", "Russian DPNI". As a result, on November 4, before the main "Russian march" was held the march "Imperial", which was attended by about 200 Human.

Summing up, it can be noted that far-right organizations failed to take advantage of favorable policy easing authorities in relation to the opposition, and most importantly - pre-election mobilization society in general and consistent supporters of their ideology in particular. This was partly due to the fact that legal organizations that could coordinate the activities of disparate members of the movement, still remain in a situation of zugzwang: on the one hand, they are too loyal and "systemic" for autonomous ultra-right, but on the other hand, too radical and “outside the system” for xenophobic majority of the inhabitants of Russia. At the same time, make a decisive choice in one side or the other they are not capable of.

Nationalism in the political establishment

This fall, President Dmitry Medvedev repeatedly put forward a demand to exclude from the election campaigns of parties xenophobic rhetoric [16] . And judging by the pre-election campaign, all systemic parties heeded this recommendation - for partial (and traditional) exception to the LDPR. "Russian Question" and themes of migration and the Caucasus, seemed at the beginning of the year the inevitable mainstream of the election campaign, mentioned in the course of this very struggle only occasionally and rather implicitly.

"United Russia" continued cooperation with the moderate-nationalist organization "Congress Russian communities” and its former leader Dmitry Rogozin. At the beginning of September D. Rogozin spoke at the KRO congress, where he called on the organization to support the United Russia” and personally Vladimir Putin, and later there was an agreement to conclude bilateral agreement between the KRO and United Russia (which, however, has not been implemented). During his brief return to big politics D. Rogozin managed to provoke a scandal with his anti-Islamic statements, associated with the celebration of Eid al-Adha [17] , and hold in early October in the building of the Administration of the President of the Russian Federation a meeting with representatives of youth organizations, where, among others, one of the leaders of the ultra-right movement "Russian Image" was also present.

In addition, contrary to the more than once voiced desire authorities to fight xenophobia and migrant phobia, in autumn the so-called anti-Tajik campaign was carried out: in response to the condemnation Russian and Estonian pilots in Tajikistan (obviously illegal), FMS Russia began to actively detain and defiantly deport migrants precisely from this country. The issue of the release of pilots was decided at the presidential level, so the target group of the campaign was hardly the authorities of Tajikistan - rather Russian citizens. Not surprisingly, the public perceived this campaign as xenophobic. In addition, it became the basis for cooperation with far-right organizations, who reacted positively to her. So, for example, in November in Moscow organizations the Moscow Defense League and Bright Rus' (Igor Mangushev) announced that took part in anti-Tajik raids in the Presnensky district of Moscow, together with police officers. In our opinion, such joint raids are simply are not allowed.

In addition, in the fall, anti-migrant sentiment was in once again warmed up by the statement of the new prosecutor of Moscow Sergey Kudeneev, that every fifth murder, every second rape, every third robbery and every fifth theft in the capital is committed by foreigners [18] .

Apparently, it was the calls of the President of the country D. Medvedev became the reason that the contacts of the system parties with the ultra-right organizations this fall went into decline. However, some parties are still refrained from using xenophobic discourse in their electoral campaigns.

In this sense, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation was the most active. Yes, in October, the party began to actively promote what it created in January of this year, but the practically non-functioning nationalist movement "Russian Lad", which headed by Vladimir Nikitin (deputy of the State Duma from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, chairman of the subcommittee on Migration Policy of the Committee for CIS Affairs and Relations with Compatriots). How reportedly, “ the movement “Russian Lad” it is proposed to create as a mass public association of Russians in spirit and understanding of the world of people who rallied to create a perfect society in Russia on the basis of an original civilizational project ” [19] . no one well-known members of the ultra-right movement were not invited to the organization. Apparently it was created only in order to indicate the position of the party in the "Russian question." In October, the Communist Party of the Russian Federation found itself at the center of a scandal involving statements in the blog of Samara party activist Sergei Igumenov, who, being a candidate for deputies of the Samara provincial Duma, published in his blog anti-Semitic post titled " Jews in the sludge, foreigners in mourning - Sergei Igumenov is registered as a people's candidate " [20] . In addition, November 25 elections to the Moscow Regional Duma, another Communist Party activist, Pavel Grudinin. The reason was the interview of P. Grudinin to the publication "Russian Reporter", where he took the liberty of making some blatantly discriminatory statements. IN in particular, the candidate for deputies urged not to sell apartments to visitors from the southern republics [21] .

Not without nationalist statements by activists LDPR. For example, in early December, a scandal erupted around anti-Semitic statements of party deputy Andrei Tkachenko, which he made during round table as part of a free radio broadcast for all parties [22] . It is reported that even before the start of the program, the LDPR member expressed nationalist views and offended some radio hosts, starting to find out their "national roots." The leader of the party allowed himself soft nationalist statements Vladimir Zhirinovsky. For example, his words about the interethnic situation in Republic of Komi even forced the head of the region to declare him persona non grata in region until the leader of the Liberal Democrats apologizes. Note finally, that on the "Russian March" in Novosibirsk, in addition to members of the ultra-right organizations, State Duma deputy from A Just Russia Ilya Ponomarev, known for his leftist political views, leader Novosibirsk "Right Cause" Sergei Dyachkov and the leader of the Novosibirsk "Patriots Russia" Alexander Mukharytsin.

However, in general, compared with spring and summer, when parties only determined with their election strategy, in the fall xenophobic electoral campaigns began to decline, and the nationalist rhetoric was almost completely supplanted by the opposition.

Opposition to radical nationalism and xenophobia

Public opposition

Traditionally in autumn several public events against racism and xenophobia were held at once.

From 9 to 16 November the annual International Week of Tolerance was held under the slogan "Crystal night - never again!" [23] . This year as part of the Week educational activities, the events took place in several Russian cities - in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Voronezh, Kazan, Kostomuksha, Murmansk, Nizhny Novgorod, Petrozavodsk, Rostov-on-Don, Samara, Saratov, Ulyanovsk.

November 13 at Petersburg on Ligovsky Prospekt the traditional picket was held for the fifth time in memory of the anti-fascist musician Timur Kacharava, who died that day at the hands of neo-Nazis. The action gathered several dozen people. In addition, the day before anti-fascists of St. Petersburg symbolically renamed Kolokolnaya Street into “Timur Kacharava Street”, pasting the sign indicating the street with the corresponding inscription.

Worth noting also one annual event, the "March Against Hate", which takes place in Petersburg since 2004, after the assassination of scientist Nikolai Girenko. In that The organizer was the regional branch of United Russia. human rights activists but decided not to hold the event, so as not to "politicize" it.

Criminal prosecution

Punishment for violence

In autumn 2011, the scope of criminal prosecution for racist violence in which the hate motive has been recognized by the courts, decreased compared to previous seasons. During this period, no less than 10 sentences in 9 regions, in which 25 people were convicted. This less than in the summer of 2011, when 15 sentences were 64 people were convicted. (During the spring - 18 sentences against 76 people.) Total Since the beginning of 2011, 50 sentences have been handed down in 29 regions against 174 person.

The racist qualification of violent crime was used in the following articles of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation: n. "l" h. 2 Art. 105 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Murder committed by a group of persons, motivated by national hatred”), paragraph “b” part 2 of Art. 116 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Beatings motivated by national hatred”), paragraph “b”, part 2 of Art. 115 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Infliction of minor bodily harm motivated by ethnic hatred”), paras. "A", "b" part 1 of Art. 213 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Hooliganism motivated by hatred”) [24] . Only in one verdict for September-November, Art. 282 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Excitation national hatred). In this judgment [25] for the attack on schoolchildren under Russophobic slogans was taken into account Plenum of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation No. 11 "On judicial practice in criminal cases on extremist crimes" dated June 28, 2011 [26] , according to which it is recognized as correct to apply Art. 282 of the Criminal Code to violent crimes, if they are aimed at inciting hatred in third parties, for example, through public and demonstrative ideologically motivated attacks.

The penalties were distributed as follows:

• 5 people released from punishment due to expiration limitation period;
• 5 people were sentenced conditionally without additional sanctions;
• 1 person was sentenced to corrective labor;
• 1 person - to imprisonment for up to a year;
• 1 person - for a period of one to 3 years;
• 2 people - up to 5 years;
• 6 people - up to 10 years;
• 1 person - up to 15 years;
• 3 people - up to 20 years;
• 5 people - more than 20 years;
• 1 person was acquitted.

The improvement in the quality of work of law enforcement officers is evidenced by and the fact that most of those convicted of violent crimes (20 out of 25 convicted) during the period under review was sentenced to various terms of imprisonment.

As can be seen from the above data, the conditional terms received one fifth of the convicts (5 out of 25). Reducing the share of suspended sentences for violent crime is a positive trend. But still some of these conditional sentences seem dubious to us. If some participants in group trials (verdicts in the case of a gang of Nazi skinheads from Tomsk and in the case of a group attack in an electric train near Moscow) were convicted conditionally, since their direct participation in the attack could not be proved, the conditional the sentence handed down in Tver for stabbing a visitor from Tajikistan, we seems unreasonably soft.

At least three major gangs were convicted during this period neo-Nazis from Tomsk, Nizhny Novgorod (convicts received from 21 to 25 years strict regime colony) and Irkutsk (leader of the group Yevgeny Panov (Bumer), formerly repeatedly convicted of racist attacks, in September he was finally sentenced to 18 years in a strict regime colony) [27] .

In addition, we note two sentences handed down for violent crimes that were committed for ideological reasons, although the motive was not included in the charge. In November 2011 Angarsk city court (Irkutsk region) finally [28] sentenced [29] in the case of assault Nazi skinheads to an environmentalist camp in July 2007, which resulted in eight people were seriously injured, and 21-year-old Ilya Borodaenko died. Behind this attack four people were sentenced to long terms of imprisonment freedom, 16 - to suspended sentences [30] . Sentence raised doubts both among the prosecutor and lawyers, the court decision was contested.

In October, defendants in the riot case at Manezhnaya Square, which took place in December 2010. For participation in mass riots five people (three of which are members of the Other Russia party) received from 2 to 5 years in a strict regime colony. The severity of this sentence is difficult to assess due to insufficient practice in cases of participation in riots. It is clear that these convicts were not the instigators riots, and actively participated in them, to put it mildly, not only they. Can to assume that the case will not be limited to this process, there will be other defendants, but neither about other detainees, nor about the progress of the investigation in other cases, we nothing is known [31] .

Punishment for propaganda

For September-November 2011 in 12 regions (in Moscow, Arkhangelsk, Voronezh, Kaluga, Saratov, Tyumen and Chelyabinsk regions, Primorsky and the Khabarovsk Territory, the republics of Adygea, Komi and Chuvash) was not issued less than 16 convictions for xenophobic propaganda against 16 people. Total since At the beginning of 2011, 67 such sentences were handed down in 37 regions of Russia, which 68 people were convicted.

The vast majority of sentences (15 out of 16) used Part 1 Art. 282 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, in 11 cases only she appeared alone, in four cases, it was combined with Art. 280 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Public calls for carrying out extremist activities). Only one judgment only Art. 280: in Khabarovsk - for anti-Asian and anti-Semitic inscriptions on the concrete fence of the building.

Judgments for propaganda during this period were distributed in the following way:

• 2 people were sentenced to imprisonment;
• 8 - sentenced on probation without any additional sanctions;
• 3 - sentenced to various fines;
• 3 - to compulsory work.

In autumn 2011, the proportion of suspended sentences for propaganda again began to grow (8 out of 17 people) compared to previous periods (summer 2011 years - 6 out of 20; in the spring - 5 out of 15). Other penalties not related to deprivation freedom, a smaller part of the convicts (6 people) were subjected. Compulsory work or fines seem to us more adequate punishment for such crimes.

We do not approve suspended sentences for propaganda because most of the convicts are ideological ultranationalists or not worried (yet) about the future of teenagers and young men - they do not stop at all; only for some convicted sentence, even a suspended one, is a real punishment, since it can cause significant damage to reputation and possible career.

However, we are in no way advocating that punishment for such crimes was necessarily linked to the real deprivation of liberty. However, in some cases, prison sentences are understandable. Denis Kuznetsov (Dima Sche), 21-year-old leader of the neo-Nazi group "Nord-East-88", whose members are suspected of committing a series of attacks and murder. The leader of the group and its ideological inspirer of participation in attacks did not accept, so he was convicted of propaganda. Another similar verdict seems doubtful to us. We are talking about a convict in the Republic of Komi Vladimir Masalovich, who posted xenophobic comments on articles on the Internet (which exactly, we do not know). Masalovich was sentenced to 8 months in prison with serving a sentence in a colony-settlement. Imprisonment for so little crime seems to us excessive.

We again have to state that the quality persecution for propaganda remains virtually unchanged: sentences are again handed down for remarks on the Internet, posting films on file-sharing networks, xenophobic graffiti and drawings on the walls. It seems to us that such acts in general should not become the subject of criminal prosecution, but should dealt with administratively.

In the autumn of 2011, we again encountered cases of application Art. 282 ¹ Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Organization of an extremist community”).

Under this article, in September 2011, one of the leaders of the organization "Northern Brotherhood" radical nationalist Anton Mukhachev (Fly): he received nine years in prison (together with part 4 of article 159 Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Fraud”) [32] . In the Republic of Bashkiria, a 42-year-old organizer cell "Imarat Kavkaz" on the territory of the village of Oktyabrsky was also sentenced to one year of imprisonment to be served in a colony-settlement (together with Part 1 Art. 222 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Illegal acquisition, transfer, sale, storage, transportation or carrying of weapons, their main parts, ammunition, explosives substances and explosive devices") [33] . AND, finally, in the fall, an activist of the association was convicted under this article in Krasnodar "Spiritual-tribal Power of Rus'" Nikolai Lozinsky, who sent to the authorities and law enforcement agencies of Krasnodar organization materials. The court appointed N. Lozinsky was sentenced to 1 year in prison with a sentence of colony-settlement [34] .

In total in 2011 Art. 282 ¹ CC has been applied in six sentences.

Administrative measures

Federal list of extremist materials

For three autumn months, the Federal List of Extremist materials replenished three times and increased from 967 to 1031 points.

As before, materials were added to the list without days off data or with extremely generalized addresses (say, as an address in one case, the address of the free file-sharing hosting is www.ifolder.ru), with spelling and syntactical errors (even in the names of courts), repetitions [35] .

In autumn, Islamist materials were added to the list (texts from Hizb ut-Tahrir”, including the magazine “Khalifat”, the site “Caucasus Center” and articles from it); materials of Jehovah's Witnesses; two NBP sites; various racist materials (books, newspapers and leaflets published by Russkaya Pravda, Russkiy Vestnik, Vityaz; articles from the magazines "Arkaim" and "Atenei"; Brochure of the All-Russian People's Militia them. Minin and Pozharsky" (NOMP); texts popular among Nazi skinheads "grin" and "Smell of Death").

Thus, at the time of writing, the list is 1057 points. 38 positions "zeroed out" (materials excluded with preservation numbering), 5 of them were removed as duplicating each other, the remaining 33 were removed, since the decisions to recognize these materials as extremist were cancelled. 38 positions reflect duplicate court decisions (not counting those included in the list of the same texts, but with different output data), and one position repeats a court decision previously listed.

Recognition of organizations as extremist

In autumn, the list of extremist organizations, published on the website of the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation [36] . Now it is 28 points. In it were Three organizations have been added:

• “The religious group of Sokolov O.V., Russkikh V.V. and Petina A.G., professing, cultivating and spreading the ideas of the doctrine of the “Old Russian Ynglistic Church of the Orthodox Old Believers-Ynglings "" (the name is given in according to the spelling in the list, although higher in the list the same doctrine called a little differently: the word "Ynglistic" is written with a double second "and", as well as in the organization's own documents. - Ed .), recognized as extremist by the decision of the Maikop district Court of the Republic of Adygea 12.12.2008

• Interregional Association "Russian National Union”, recognized as extremist by the decision of the Vladimir Regional Court dated 30 May 2011

• Interregional public organization "Movement against illegal immigration”, recognized as extremist by the decision of the Moscow Regional Court dated April 18, 2011 and the ruling of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation dated 09.08.2011

Formal grounds for banning a group Old Believers-Ynglings in Adygea became that "symbols and cult practice group contained symbols confusingly similar to the Nazis. However, it is possible that the court had other grounds for closing the organization: religious Yngling doctrine contains openly racist positions (and, contrary to the name, by the way, has nothing to do with the Old Believers), which became the basis to ban in 2004 three organizations of this kind in Omsk [37] .

If the first organization added to the list was banned back in 2008, the other two were banned this year. Russian All-National Union (RONS) is an Orthodox far-right organization created by in 1990 [38] . What exactly has become grounds for banning the organization, we are not entirely clear; only reported, that the reason was the materials of the organization seized during the search from the Vladimir right-wing radicals and recognized as extremist. RONS really led an active far-right propaganda and was involved in violent acts.

The legitimacy of the ban on a third organization, DPNI, does not doubts: as we have already written, the leaders and members of the DPNI more than once allowed really dangerous inflammatory language, and this organization was directly associated with racist violence [39] .

It is noteworthy that their control and registration functions in relation to parties and non-profit organizations The Ministry of Justice planned transfer to other government agencies, and in October 2011 the department was bill has been put forward. In particular, the Ministry of Justice proposed to exclude from the law "On countering extremist activity" their powers warn public and religious organizations about the inadmissibility carrying out extremist activities, the right of the department to apply to the court with the requirement to liquidate or ban public organizations, as well as obligation to maintain a list of extremist materials. These functions of the Ministry of Justice planned to hand over to the Prosecutor General's Office. However, the bill met in other government bodies a negative response and is unlikely to be officially be considered.

Other administrative measures

In the autumn of 2011, the list of anti-extremist warnings to media editors, published on the website of the Federal Service for supervision in the field of communications, information technology and mass communications (Roskomnadzor).

Roskomnadzor reported only one warning, issued by the editors of the newspaper "In Their Own Names" [40] for publication of an article by N.P. Zubkov "What to do? Revolution! in No. 31 (48) for 2 August 2011 and materials "Rat front crush!" and "The people will win!" in No. 33 (50) for 16 August 2011 These articles call for " organizing a movement at the factories of Moscow and the Moscow region and in the most important regional strategic points, including defense factories and warehouses "and" to attract workers and military " for armed struggle " against the anti-people regime ", in order to " liberate the people " and " not live in slavery ".

This is the second warning to the newspaper. The first one was delivered for the publication of the article “The Kremlin pushes the people to revolution” in No. 11 (29) of March 15 2011 According to the Federal Law "On countering extremist activity", the activities of the media is subject to termination if the warning issued by its editors for extremism, has not been challenged in court, and also if the deadline is not measures were taken to eliminate the violations that became the basis for issuing warning, or if new facts are repeatedly revealed that indicate the presence of signs of extremism in the activities of the media. In Russian law the practice of applying to the court after the issuance of a second warning is well-established, challenged in court, or challenged unsuccessfully. In October 2011 Roskomnadzor has already filed a lawsuit with the Moscow City Court to terminate the activities of the newspaper Svoimi names" in accordance with anti-extremist legislation.

In September-November 2011, the practice continued administrative prosecution under various articles of the Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation. However, information this practice is still almost not published, and even a rough estimate of the scale of this activity is not possible.

Only four court decisions are known in Kaluga, Omsk, Tyumen regions and in the Republic of Tatarstan. Two judgments were issued under Art. 20.29 of the Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation (“Mass distribution of extremist materials") for uploading songs and texts from Federal List of Extremist Materials. The other two - under Part 1 of Art. 20.3 Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation (“Propaganda and public demonstration of Nazi paraphernalia or symbols"). Spartak fans held accountable after riots at the match of the 27th round of the Premier League "Rubin" (Kazan) - "Spartak" (Moscow), held on October 16 at the Central Stadium of Kazan, and an entrepreneur from Syzran (Samara region), who made a picture with the name of the salon "Gestapo Tattoo" and created a page on a social network and an Internet site with a similar name. In all cases, the defendants were sentenced to fine.

---

[1] In preparing the report, materials from daily monitoring were used SOVA Center (including in several regions of Russia). Regional monitoring was carried out with the use of state support funds allocated in as grants in accordance with the Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 127-rp dated March 2, 2011

[2] The number of victims increased by almost 20 people, compared to what we wrote in a similar report last year.

[3] The classification of victims is made by us in accordance with the motive attacker(s).

[4] Since January 2009, these instructions have been circulated as a direct guide to action. According to the manuals, neo-Nazis must plant dummies of explosive devices with texts allegedly written on behalf of Muslims or people from the Caucasus. Such actions should lead to discriminatory actions of special services against natives living in the city Caucasians and Muslims. The calculation is also made that these incidents will replicated by the media. Previously, we regularly recorded the appearance of graffiti, allegedly made Caucasian nationalists or Islamists, who turned out to be the work of the ultra-right. For more details, see: Galina Kozhevnikova. Under the sign of the political terror. Radical nationalism in Russia and opposition to it in 2009 // Owl Center. February 2, 2011 (http://sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/publications/2010/02/d17889/).

[5] In total, since the beginning of 2011, no less than 10 acts of vandalism against Muslim graves. For details see: Alperovich V., Yudina N. Loud processes and ultra-right formations // Center "Owl". June 28, 2011 (http://sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/publications/2011/06/d21974/).

[6] Note that we do not take into account here single and not very noticeable cases of graffiti.

[7] Slepnev N. We are not we are going to the congress of the Just Russia party // Ekho Moskvy Radio Blog. 2011.23 September (http://www.echo.msk.ru/blog/nikitaslepnev/814574-echo/).

[8] Appeal to the Mayor of Moscow Sergei Sobyanin about the upcoming celebration of Eid al-Adha // DPNI website. September 10, 2011.

[9] Requirements of the Russian Platform // Website of the Russian Platform. 2011.5 September.

[10] Two paths of marches against ethnic crime // Pravda.ru. 2011.28 September (http://www.pravda.ru/politics/parties/other/28-09-2011/1093203-etnomarsh-0).

[11] Recall that the young man died on August 19 after a fight with champion in mixed martial arts Dagestani Rasul Mirzoev. About incident and the reaction of the ultra-right environment to it, see: Alperovich V., Yudina N. Summer 2011: A new batch of neo-Nazi prisoners and dreams of a second Manezhka // Owl Center. 2011. October 5 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/publications/2011/10/d22696/).

[12] Russian Federation in the service of Allah // [Diary of M. Tseng]. 2011. October 6th.

[13] Fools or provocateurs // [Diary of S. Budnikova]. 2011.11 October.

[14] Recall that the Russian Image held a concert of Kolovrat on November 4 2009 on Bolotnaya Square in Moscow during the "Russian March". Concert collected about two thousand people.

[15] The “White Wagon” is a traditional action of Nazi skinheads who raid the car(s) and attack people of "non-Slavic" appearance.

[16] See, for example: Medvedev on nationalism in elections: I am Russian myself, but I am both for Russians and for other nations // Gazeta.ru. 2011. November 11 (http://www.gazeta.ru/news/lenta/2011/11/11/n_2091773.shtml).

[17] Jalilov Rustam. A typical official. Rogozin's Islamophobic statements caused bewilderment in society // IslamNews. 2011. October 21 (http://www.islamnews.ru/news-93281.html).

[18] We bring to your attention an interview with the Prosecutor of the city of Moscow Sergey Kudeneev to the publication "Rossiyskaya Gazeta" // Official website of the General prosecutor's office of the Russian Federation. 2011. November 23 (http://genproc.gov.ru/news/news-74267/).

[19] Russia needs "Russian Lad"! // Official website of the Communist Party. 2011.18 January (http://kprf.ru/rus_soc/86743.html)

[20] Anti-Semitic statements by a Samara CPRF activist // SOVA Center. 2011. October 11 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2011/10/d22750/).

[21] Vishnevskaya Julia. Palnikolaich named after Lenin // Russian reporter. 2011. October 31 (http://rusrep.ru/article/2011/10/31/palnikolaich).

[22] Andrey Sokolov. LDPR candidate Andrei Tkachenko is accused of nationalism // Komsomolskaya Pravda. 2011. December 1 (http://kp.ru/daily/25797.4/2778104/).

[23] The action is timed to coincide with the anniversary of Kristallnacht (November 9, 1938) by its annual the organizers are the International youth network against racism and intolerance (YNRI), Youth International network for human rights education and civic education (HRECE), European network UNITED for intercultural action, International network "Young Europe", international Youth Human Rights Movement (MPD).

[24] Recall that we consider a qualifying feature in this article an example of imperfect legislation. For more details, see: Moscow hosted press conference on the topic “What will the art group “Voina” get - state bonus or jail time? // Center "Owl". February 21, 2011 (http:// sova-center.ru/misuse/news/persecution/2011/02/d21026/).

[25] We are referring to the case of 30-year-old Rais Karabasov, who one of the villages of the Astrakhan region attacked schoolchildren, shouting Russophobic slogans. He received two sentences - one for assault, another for shouting, in the first case - under Part 1 of Art. 213 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation and Art. 116 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (both these articles were without a qualifying feature), in the second - under Art. 282 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation. We decided to combine these two sentences (and the court would be legally more competent do the same) in our statistics and include the episode in punishments for violence. Tem more that when sentencing under Art. 282 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation, the court took into account the previous sentence for violence and sentenced R. Karabasov to 8 months in prison.

[26] The text of the Decree of the Plenum of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation No. 11 “On Judicial practice in criminal cases on crimes of an extremist orientation” from June 28, 2011 // Website of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation. June 29, 2011 (http://www.supcourt.ru/Show_pdf.php?Id=7315). See also: OWL comment on Resolution of the Plenum of the Supreme Court on extremism // SOVA Center. 2011.1 July (http://sova-center.ru/misuse/publications/2011/07/d22010/).

[27] Alperovich V., Yudina N. Decree. op.

[28] The case was considered only on the fourth attempt, the previous three times it was returned to the prosecutor's office for clarification.

[29] The attackers were convicted under Part 2 of Art. 213 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Hooliganism, committed with the use of objects used as weapons by a group of persons by prior agreement”) and Part 4 of Art. 111 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation (“Intentional infliction serious harm to health, dangerous to human life, committed by a group of persons from hooligan motives, negligently resulting in the death of the victim).

[thirty] Including the conditional sentence received by the above-mentioned Yevgeny Panov (Boomer).>

[31] Verkhovsky Alexander. Oddities of two sentences // Grani.ru. 2011. October 28 style='mso-ansi-language:RU'> (http://grani.ru/blogs/free/entries/192712.html).

[32] Earlier, another leader of the Northern Brotherhood, Oleg, was convicted Troshkin. For more details, see: One of the leaders of the Northern Brotherhood convicted in Moscow // Center "Owl". 2011. August 17 (http://sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/counteraction/2011/08/d22338/).

[33] The organization was recognized as a terrorist organization and its activities on territory of the country was banned in February 2010.

[34] In January 2006, a case was initiated against N. Lozinsky in an administrative offense under Art. 20.3 of the Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation for "public demonstrating symbols confusingly similar to the Nazi on letterheads organization "Rada of the Land of the Kuban Spiritually - Tribal Power of Rus'", received to the Prosecutor General's Office. N. Lozinsky was brought to administrative responsibility and arrested. In 2005, he received a warning from the prosecutor's office. of the Central Administrative District of Krasnodar on the inadmissibility extremist activity.

[35] In the fall, the already included book by A. Belogorov "Slavic Vedas". Moscow: Vityaz, 2004 (cf. p. 578).

[36] Full title: "List of public and religious associations, other non-profit organizations in respect of which the court has adopted a decision on liquidation or prohibition of activities on the grounds, stipulated by the Federal Law “On Counteracting Extremist activity."

[37] For the text of the decision, see: Judgment on the liquidation of right-wing organizations in Omsk // SOVA Center. April 30, 2011 (http://sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/docs/2004/04/d8899/).

[38] Igor Artemov remained permanently the chairman of the RONS, who Until 2010, he sat for several terms in the Vladimir Regional legislative assembly.

[39] Alperovich V., Yudina N. Decree. op.

[40] The newspaper "In Their Own Names" is the successor to the newspaper "To the Barrier", closed in April 2011. In turn, "To the Barrier" is the successor newspaper "Duel", also closed after a long-term lawsuit. More see: Roskomnadzor Demands to Shut Down the Newspaper Svoimiyami (In Their Own Names) // SOVA Center. October 7, 2011 (http://sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/counteraction/2011/10/d22722/).

Sources

• Alperovich V., Yudina N. Autumn 2011: Far-right maneuvers before the elections // Polit.ru. 2011. December 27.