The second chance

No, definitely not walking through the torment is the fate of Russia, but walking around the rake. This is not even a national sport and not a vicious hobby, it is in our blood - not to miss a single mistake that can be made. Near these mistakes you can not see, but from a historically visible distance you can. The trouble is also that we do not love to look at our past. We love to embellish it, heroize and let in pathos fog. That is why at a new round of history we stubbornly and inspiredly repeat more than once committed mistakes. Great Russian carousel!

The December public protests showed that Russia has a second chance to build democracy and the rule of law over the past 25 years. People wanted to live according to normal laws and have their representatives in parliament. These simple desires are the necessary minimum for the democratic future of the country. In the same way, 20-25 years ago, they demanded the abolition of the 6th article of the Constitution of the USSR, which affirmed the leading role of the CPSU. The Communist Party is then tired of everyone in the same way as today "United Russia". People wanted freedom and the future that they could choose themselves. They had a chance to make Russia democratic. They missed this chance. Today we are stepping on the same rake.

25 years ago, democratic reforms begun by totalitarian power were to be alarmed. Why would it be parties, which for decades dressing the country, suddenly reforms were needed? Only from hopelessness, from the inability to maintain power in the previous format. Society showed negligence, gullibility and children's suggestibility, believing in the sincerity of the authorities. At first, everyone believed Gorbachev, despite the fact that he constantly muttered about the need to strengthen and improve socialism. But the conspiracy theory was immediately born that he was forced to talk about his commitment to socialism because he was surrounded by old party dicks. He was forgiven for both the communist career in the past, and the suppression of public protests in Baku, Tbilisi, Vilnius and Riga in the present.

When, under the pressure of real life, the Gorbachev model began to crumble, he appointed himself the main opponent of a man from his circle - the first secretary of the Moscow City Committee of the CPSU Boris Yeltsin. Technically, this was not at all difficult: Gorbachev and his entourage concentrated the whole severity of critical performances on Yeltsin, which, due to this, began to act first as a victim of the party -prophet, and then as its main opponent. Subsequently, Yeltsin’s support was provided by the so -called foremen of perestroika - the nomenclature of the second level, almost all the communists, the failed Soviet careerists, initially far from the ideas of genuine democracy. Some former dissidents also made his sad contribution to the advance of Yeltsin as the main candidate from democratic forces, not to mention numerous Soviet writers, journalists and figures of Soviet culture.

When was the main, initial mistake, which later led to the folding of democratic reforms, the war in Chechnya, the appointment of Putin and all the abominations of today? It was made at the moment when the society as a whole agreed to consider the reforms proposed by Gorbachev, and then Yeltsin, his own, expressed their support, gave the mandate to continue them. The confidence that society expressed yesterday’s strands of freedom has become fatal, agreeing with their role of political leaders on the path from socialism to democracy. It was a mistake to accept even the right reforms, but instead of them , instead of bringing new political leaders who were not involved in communist crimes to the forefront of Russian life. This, of course, would not yet have a guarantee of the success of reforms, but the likelihood that these people will not let the future of Russia on the crushed nomenclature path would be much higher.

The society was neglected by an obvious risk, making a bet on the democracy of yesterday's communists swore in their fidelity. Some did this by naivety, others - according to career calculations, others - according to traditional Russian undemanding and hoping for "Avos". And perhaps behind all this is our deep, centuries -old, printed in the subconscious Solder respect for the authorities, which knows how to better "how." And the same eternal and depthly, in the consciously chosen blindness and trust in the autocrat - "who except him?"

The result was a foregone conclusion. The only thing that could change the course of history was public protests, but they were exhausted in the early 90s, not reaching independent power either in August of the 91st or in November 93. The crafty politicians of the new wave skillfully drained public activity in the channel of all the same old nomenclature intrigues and new corruption temptations. Unable to and not trying to distinguish genuine democrats from imaginary, without attaching the importance of the reputation of political leaders, not bothering themselves with doubts and counting on a miracle, Russia then missed its chance of democracy.

It seemed for a long time. But fate is favorable to our country. Today, Russia has received another chance to get out of the swamp on a hard road. Self -esteem woke up in people. It led them to the streets and squares of cities. The humiliation that people felt after the “tandem’s casting”, and then brazenly falsified elections turned out to be intolerable. To this, stupid government propaganda, and boorish neglect of officials by laws, and barking on the roads, and the impunity of high -ranking criminals were added to this. People took to the streets, and the authorities trembled, fussed and began to feverishly look for a way out.

What will she do to deprive Russia of a second chance? Nothing new! All the same set of advanced techniques. And they have already begun - with the selection of the most convenient opponents. Now there are samples for the role. As soon as the candidacy is approved, the authorities will begin to rudely scold it and gently push it. They are also afraid to make a mistake and therefore test candidates. In the role of a picky director, a protest audience. The political fate of the latter depends on how she accepts the presented candidacy.

Alexey Kudrin is a rude move. For too long he was in the Putin team and too little in confrontation with the president. They will not believe him, they will not follow him. Maybe Medvedev had to arrange a “family scene” with a public quarrel early so that Kudrin had time to make opposition capital. Late, they realized in the Kremlin, sacrificing a heavy figure from their team.

Mikhail Prokhorov - the move more successful. A cheap performance with a selected gift ("right business") can still cause sympathy for Prokhorov as the next victim of the regime. True, the circumstances of the registration with the presidential candidate slightly spoiled the opposition’s reputation that had already begun to take shape, but it may still be forgotten under the pressure of coordinated rhetoric on both sides.

In addition to their candidates, the candidates of opponents from among the most "coherent" are probably considered. Someone can be bought with a promise of places in the future coalition, to take someone in vanity. It is no secret that some of the opposition do not give rest the laurels of the Polish "solidarity", whose leaders leaked a public protest, when it was already a stone's throw to the crash of communism. But the "round table" with the government guaranteed them places in the new government, and the old government - immunity from criminal prosecution for many years and guaranteed benefits of privatization of state property. And then, only “struggling solidarity” and several other groups remained from the legendary trade union movement, which worthily carried the banner of resistance and did not surrender to the very end, but could no longer have a significant impact on the situation in Poland.

Making a bet on dummy figures and negotiations with the "constructive part of the opposition" (I think we still have to see), the authorities do not forget about dummmer organizations. No, not about public councils, wards and movements born in the Kremlin; not about the fed by the Kremlin grants of the ICG or the All -Russian public movement "For human rights"; And about those serious and gloomy guys, against which the Kremlin thief should look like angels sent Russia to protect against cave nationalism. Who knows which office nourished them, raises and finances, but there is nothing better to discredit any beginnings of the democratic opposition than the introduction of these organizations into its activities. And please, the leaders of nationalists perform at common rallies, and their representatives have a vote in the organizing committees of future actions.

Representatives of the cartoon parliamentary opposition, puppet opposition from Fair Russia, also appear in these organizing committees. In parliament, they invariably follow the government rate, and at rallies they require freedom and democracy. Where they lie sincerely, and where, according to their curators, it is as poorly interesting as why it is convenient for them to sit at two chairs at once - either at a critical moment to choose the most suitable, or to work out their frantically received deputy mandates. In any case, their presence is not as harmless as it may seem - they influence decision -making and in the extent of their capabilities slow down protests. Without a doubt, they are always ready and completely merge them for the sake of power.

In the same way, two decades ago, the authorities saturated the democratic opposition with its proteges - yesterday's nomenclature, "stunted" Chekists and investigators front -by -courts of the courtser -sided and "defectors" from the camp of the enemy. They were accepted with open arms as new heroes and forerunners of changes, and their luck was only to deprive the country of a chance of democracy and arrange personal life.

Alas, public protests can be repaid not only by the efforts of the authorities, but also with the thoughtless actions of the leaders of the opposition. Undetered by sweet speeches about unity, about the general degree of protests, they take to us in fellow travelers of red and brown, not thinking too much about the effectiveness of protests, nor about their own reputation, nor about the possible consequences. Everything is subordinated to the idea of ​​dumping the Putin regime, because, as it is fashionable now to count, there can be nothing worse. Ah, if so! As it can. The regime that other from the current fellow travelers dream of establishing, which is as worse than the present.

If the company is tired or cannot properly control its representatives, and the leaders of protests will finally hit political games for the sake of imaginary consensus with all anti -Putin forces or to obtain the title of “constructive opposition”, then public protests can fade away and Russia will miss its second chance. As at one time missed the first.

True, today the situation is no longer the same as it was 20 years ago. The company has Internet and information technologies that allow people to communicate and agree on joint actions bypassing unreliable politicians. The only question is how much the society is enough for civilian resistance.

Unfortunately, in our country there has not yet been a tradition of holding power on a short leash, daily controlling its activities with the help of civil society institutions. Therefore, bursts of civic activity, although strong enough, are relatively rare. Until the next chance of democracy, decades can pass.