Winter 2011-2012: Ultra-right - protest and party building

Edited by Alexander Verkhovsky

Content
Summary

CRIMINAL MANIFESTATIONS OF RACISM AND XENOPHOBIA : Violence : Vandalism

PUBLIC ACTIVITIES OF THE ULTRA RIGHT : Rallies and other public actions : Nationalists in the structures of the protest movement : Other public activity : Party construction

COUNTERACTION TO XENOPHOBIA AND RADICAL NATIONALISM : Public opposition : Criminal prosecution for violence : Criminal Prosecution for Propaganda : Federal list of extremist materials : Other administrative measures

APPLICATION. STATISTICS OF CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS (in word format)

Summary

The sharp rise of the protest movement after the December 4, 2011 parliamentary The election provided new opportunities for all opposition movements. Of course, the ultra-right groups did not stand aside, which during 2011 years were one of the most active political forces.

Three winter months [1] the ultra-right devoted mainly to participation in general opposition actions. But not less active was the process of constructing the ultra-right flank, focused on the expected liberalization of the political system.

Starting from the first days of December, the ultra-right met strong opposition from some liberal and leftist activists protest movement, but many other activists (both liberal and left) preferred unity disengagement. The nationalists gradually managed to take a strong position and in the ranks of the organizers, and, most importantly, in the lists of speakers of the main Moscow actions and ensure that nationalism is perceived as one of the significant parts of the general opposition field both in the capital and in many regions countries.

However, the attendance of protest actions by ordinary right-wing radicals remained very low in comparison with the "Russian marches", since many nationalists evaluate any cooperation with the liberals extremely negatively, and well-known organizations designed to represent the far right in the protest movement, in reality is not widely supported.

Nor can it be said that the nationalists succeeded noticeably expand the circle of citizens supporting them, which is now rather narrow. As before, the movement's radical image remains a hindrance. And this winter moderate speeches leaders were compensated by marches under racist slogans, accompanied by attacks on people with "non-Slavic appearance".

Nationalists inspired by forthcoming liberalization of the law "On political parties", began to draw up and reshape their movements and organizations in the party. As a result, from January a number of national-democratic, national-patriotic, Orthodox-socialist and monarchist "old" and "new" parties. Many of them are obviously doomed to marginality, but there are those who have a chance to become the beginning or prototype of the parliamentary nationalist party.

Levels of far-right and other racist violence remained winter is the same as in recent seasons. However, there is a noticeable reorientation far-right violence from ethnic "outsiders" to political enemies - "antifa" and representatives of the authorities, although activity in this area is far from being as great as declared in the manifestos of neo-Nazis.

Less, in comparison with 2010-2011 in general, was taken out and convictions for violent hate crimes, among there were obviously too many conditional ones. If this indicates orientation authorities to "appease" and gradually reduce police pressure on the combat part of the ultra-right, then such a change in policy is clearly premature.

Trends in Prosecution for Propaganda (Excluding Explicitly wrongful prosecution, which is not the subject of this report) remain controversial. Twice as many people were convicted for racist propaganda people than for racist violence, which goes against the practice of previous years. But the courts avoided issuing sentences connected with actual imprisonment. At This continued to swell the meaningless Federal list of extremist materials.

Undoubtedly, the winter of 2011-2012 was an exception to the rule. in many ways. But still, all the events of this period were a continuation previously established trends. Now, with the inevitable decline of the protest movement after the presidential elections and the simultaneous start of the legalization of part far-right through the registration process of parties, and the nationalists themselves of various interpretations, both society and the authorities find themselves in a situation of uncertainty - and it is difficult predict how events will unfold.

Criminal manifestations of racism and xenophobia

Violence

During the winter of 2011-2012, the SOVA center recorded at least 33 victims of racist violence, of which 3 people died (since the beginning 2012 [2] affected at least 28 people, of whom two died). In the autumn months of 2011, the number the number of victims was about the same (36 people, 4 of them died). in winter 2010-2011, 116 people were injured, 11 of whom died. Such the difference may be due to the continued decline in racist violence, but due to the exceptional events at Manezhnaya Square in December 2010 and subsequent attacks, we cannot compare winter periods.

Attacks last winter occurred in 8 regions of Russia (Moscow with the region, St. Petersburg, Vladimir, Volgograd, Voronezh, Kaliningrad and Rostov regions). The geographical leaders are still remain Moscow (7 victims) and St. Petersburg (7 victims, of which 1 lost). In third place were Volgogradskaya (4 victims, all - beaten in February by students from Malaysia) and the Samara region (4 victims, from 1 of them died).

The main group of victims known to us in the winter was representatives of youth and informal groups (16 people, 1 of them died). AND This is not surprising. After all, the winter period passed under the sign of increased political activity in Russian society in general and among the ultra-right in particular, which caused a change in the object of persecution - from ethnic strangers to "ideological enemies." In winter, participants of all-Russian protest rallies suffered 24 December, actions in memory of Markelov and Baburova on January 19, visitors anti-fascist concerts and football matches.

The second group (previously ranked first) was natives of Central Asia (5 injured, 1 of them died). Other groups of victims - natives of Malaysia (4 victims), natives of the Caucasus (2 victims), black people (2 victims), Jehovah's Witnesses (1 victim), Jews (1 victim).

The latter case became widely known due to the appearance in right-wing segment of the Internet anti-Semitic video "Destruction Zhydenka", where a group of young people, " illuminating with a flashlight, picks with a knife in the eye of a man with a bloody face, showing no signs of life " [3] . Initially, the NS / WP "Nevograd" group took responsibility for the video, but Andrey (Bladma) Pronsky was later detained and confessed. At interrogated, he stated that " the nationalist the organization in which he was a member "pushed him to commit murder, since it was his turn to commit ritual execution and put it on the Internet as a New Year's gift to comrades-in-arms " [4] .

Subversive and terrorist activities of the ultra-right in winter didn't stop. For example, in Penza, a 23-year-old nationalist from Samara tried to undermine the forensic center of the regional department of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of the Russian Federation.

Threats to "enemies" continue to appear on right-wing sites. In February, they sounded in relation to the participants of the scandalous "punk prayer" in the temple Christ the Savior from the group "Pussy Riot". On far-right websites disseminated personal information about the girls, accompanied by threats reprisals, and representatives of the Cossack society "South-East" offered to give them " for the judgment of the parishioners " [5] . Data, found on the Internet were, apparently, taken from the materials of the Kitai-Gorod police department, where "Pussy Riot" ended up after their action on Red Square (respectively, at least some of those who were threatened did not participate in the action in the temple).

Vandalism

During the winter of 2011-2012, according to the SOVA center, there were at least 11 acts of vandalism motivated by hatred or radical nationalist ideological attitudes, in 8 regions countries. Vandal activity has almost halved compared to winter last year: in the winter of 2010-2011, at least 20 acts were observed. Altogether with At the beginning of 2012, at least 11 such incidents occurred in 8 regions of the country. vandalism.

During the winter months, objects of ideological enmity of the ultra-right suffered the most - monuments to the heroes of the Great Patriotic War, buildings of state institutions, etc. (5 cases). In addition, the Orthodox and Jewish objects (3 and 2 cases, respectively) and the home of Jehovah's Witnesses (1 happening).

In almost half of the cases, vandal activity was limited to applying graffiti to objects (6 cases). But they also did something more dangerous. deeds: in Petropavlovsk-Kamchatsky, the Trinity Cathedral was broken into and set on fire, in Kineshme - a building belonging to Jehovah's Witnesses, in the church of St. Vladimir in A pogrom was staged in Moscow, and an Uzbek restaurant "Tashkent" in St. threw a "Molotov cocktail" [6] .

Far-right public activity

Rallies and other public actions

The first more or less major action that right-wing radicals tried to spend last winter, there was a rally near the metro station "Revolution Square" directly on election day December 4 [7] . The action was announced at the "Russian March" on November 4, but despite this, did not become mass: 100-150 people came to the event, most of whom detained by the police.

The second independent action of the nationalists, held in Moscow on December 11 - the anniversary of the riots on Manezhnaya Square, became a big disappointment for the leaders of far-right organizations [8] . She was organized by the "Russians" association and took place on Bolotnaya Square, on which some of the nationalists came out the day before (see below). Organizers they clearly expected that at least a thousand people would gather, but no more than 350 came. rally, part of the ultra-right tried to break through to Manezhnaya Square, where an announced unauthorized action in memory of Yegor was to take place Sviridov, however, almost all of them were detained (about 70-80 people in total), and she herself the area was cordoned off by OMON officers.

An action was also held in St. Petersburg on December 11 far-right, which was called a march "against ethnic crime" [9] . March started at the Avtovo metro station and ended at Komsomolskaya Square. Total about 350 people took part in the event, that is, the same number as in Moscow. After the event, there were several attacks by nationalists on passersby. In one case, a native of the Caucasus suffered, in another - from the Middle Asia.

The third independent major action of the far right took place only two months later, on February 18, it was dedicated to the case of the athlete Rasul Mirzaev, who killed a student Ivan Agafonov. Reason for the rally was the decision of the Zamoskvoretsky court (subsequently canceled Moscow City Court) to release R. Mirzaev on bail. The rallies were held in several cities of the country, but in Moscow the action turned out to be especially loud, because after the end of the rally, about 100 right-wing radicals marched through the central streets cities, shouting neo-Nazi and anti-Caucasian slogans, and committed attacks on two workers from Central Asia [10] .

Apart from these three actions, far-right public activity remained as part of the protest campaign "For Fair Elections". Right-wing radicals at last had the opportunity to cooperate almost on an equal footing with representatives other ideological directions.

At a rally on December 5 on Chistoprudny Boulevard from the ultra-right Alexander Khramov (Russian Civil Union, CSG) and Ilya Lazarenko spoke (National Democratic Alliance, NDA). On an unmatched share that took place on December 6 on Triumfalnaya Square, ultra-right activists - moreover, both among the protesters (up to a very radical group "Volnitsa"), and among the members of the Young Guard of "United Russia", who held their contraction on the square.

At a rally on December 10 on Bolotnaya Square [11] from right-wing radicals could only speak Konstantin Krylov (Russian Public Movement, ROD), but the column nationalists were brought to the square by almost all the leaders of both major right-wing coalitions - the movement "Russians" and "Russian platform" [12] . In total, about 500 people from the ultra-right took part in this action. stood under the "imperial" flags and the flags of the RGS.

Somewhat unexpected was the speech of Vladimir Tor (ROD) at the rally, organized by the Yabloko party on Bolotnaya Square on December 17th. The consignment has repeatedly stated that it does not cooperate even with moderate nationalists, yes and among the gathered ultra-right activists were not noticed.

The greatest activity of right-wing radicals was noted at the rally on 24 December on Sakharov Avenue [13] . Young people under the "imperial" flags gathered on the square an hour before the start shares and occupied the right sector in front of the stage. When the rally began, the far right whistled and shouted at all the speakers, whose position was not close to them, but in at the end of the event, they tried to break into the stage and push one of the leaders of the association "Russians" A. Belova. From right-wing radicals at the rally 24 December, V. Tor, K. Krylov and Vladimir Ermolaev ("Russians") performed.

February 4 in Moscow a column of ultra-rightists took part in the march "For Fair Elections" along Bolshaya Yakimanka [14] . Column strength was about 500 people at the beginning of the procession, and by the time they entered Bolotnaya the area has grown due to latecomers to about 800-900 people. Its basis was movement "Russians" under the "imperial" flags, but the procession was attended by other organizations, including the Russian Public Movement (ROD), the Russian the All-People's Union (RUS), the Union of the Russian People (SRN), the Russian Sun project. Supporters of Colonel Leonid Khabarov marched in front of the bulk of the nationalists, arrested in July 2011 in Yekaterinburg on suspicion of participating in conspiracy of Vladimir Kvachkov. Behind was a group of several people under the flags National Union. In addition, small groups of NDAs (approximately 10-20 people) and CWGs (approximately 20 people) were part of the "liberal" column, that is, together with Solidarity and others. Thus, the total number of organized nationalists hardly exceeded a thousand people. On Bolotnaya Square itself nationalists actively made their way towards the stage, which led to several skirmishes, but this time they failed to reach the stage itself. According to prior arrangement, the meeting was attended by one speaker from each of the three "political columns"; A. Belov spoke from the nationalists.

In the action "White Circle", held in Moscow on February 26, the ultra-right practically did not take part, primarily due to the fact that the absence of "party" symbols was assumed, so it was not possible to loudly Express yourself. Leaders of the association "Russians" (V. Ermolaev, A. Belov, D. Demushkin) preferred to participate in the action as third-party observers, filming a video from cars. It was reported that George was present at the "White Circle" Borovikov (RFO "Memory", "Russians").

The activity of the ultra-right in rallies and marches "For Honest elections" varied greatly depending on the region. In most cases the participation of the ultra-right in the actions was limited to the presence among those gathered several people with "imperial" flags, but sometimes right-wing radicals were more active than in Moscow, and in some places they even managed to become the main organizer of the action "For Fair Elections".

Far-right participation in protests was more visible in St. Petersburg. For example, on December 10, at a rally on Pioneer Square, the share far-right under imperial flags turned out to be clearly higher than in Moscow Bolotnaya area [15] . Moreover, here the ultra-right prevented Viktor Shenderovich from speaking, whistling and clapping his speech, while in Moscow, on the contrary, the protesters met with discontent rather Krylov's speech, many chanted "Fascism will not pass!" and the like slogans.

The action on December 24 in St. Petersburg was divided in two: nationalists and representatives of the "non-systemic opposition" rallied separately from supporters of opposition parties [16] . On "non-systemists" managed to gather about 2 thousand people for their event, a large some of which stood under the "imperial flags", an attribute of both nationalists and national Bolsheviks. Representatives of the Russian Imperial Movement (RID) spoke from nationalists at the rally Nikolai Bondarik, who served time for murder back in the 90s, head of the ROD - St. Petersburg Andrei Kuznetsov and representative of the "Russians" Dmitry Sukhorukov. The speeches of the speakers were different. much more radicalism than their like-minded people in Moscow, where at that time the same day there was a rally on Sakharov Avenue.

At the February 4 rally in St. Petersburg, the antagonism between far-right and other participants of the action reached its climax [17] . IN response to scandalous homophobic speeches by N. Bondarik and activist "Slavic Force" Dmitry (Mad) Yevtushenko almost all those present together with the presenters they chanted "Get out of the stage!" and "Russia for all!", and themselves the nationalists who spoke, along with the far-right activists, shouted "We are here power!". It ended with the fact that someone pulled N. Bondarik's microphone cord - and the speaker fell off the stage.

The biggest success of the ultra-right in St. Petersburg was march-rally "For Fair Elections" on February 25, which gathered about 10 thousand people. The action was organized with the participation of the ultra-right, in particular, D. Savvin (RONS), N. Bondarik, activists of the Russian Platform. One of the co-hosts the leader of the ROD - St. Petersburg A. Kuznetsov spoke. Participated in the procession representatives of all the nationalist organizations of the city, which was divided into two columns: in the first, activists walked behind the banner "Russians against Putin" National Socialist Initiative (D. Bobrov), "Slavic Force" (D. Yevtushenko), Russian Imperial Movement (RID), Russian National Union (RONS), Russian Social Movement (ROD). The second block followed banner "We are against Putin": activists of "Volnitsa" (about 25 people), "National Democrats" (Semyon Pikhtelev and D. Sukhorukov), "Russian Run", "Autonomous Nationalists". Along with them was the "Other Russia". Apart from nationalists, Sergey Udaltsov, Garry Kasparov and others took part in the action.

Examples of how the far right became co-organizers and even the organizers of the actions "For Fair Elections", can be seen in other regions. So, in the rally on December 24 in Voronezh, activists of the Union of the Russian People (SRN). It was reported that one of the leading the head of the local branch of the RNC Leonid Koroteev spoke, and in addition, the ultra-right was responsible for "order at the rallies" and "access to the microphone." Total for the rally was attended by about 50 nationalists (15 of them with imperial flags) from the RONS, the RNC and the People's Militia. Minin and Pozharsky (NOMP).

Another example is the rally "For Fair Elections" on February 26 in Kaliningrad, organized by the ataman of the Cossack farm Evgeny Labudin and the chairman far-right organization "People's Assembly" Alexander Ivanov. Apart from nationalists under "imperial" flags, it was visited by activists of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation, "Fair Russia", the Union of Officers of Russia and the Committee of Public Self-Defense (KOS). Total about 70 people attended the action.

Many examples are known of how conflicts between nationalists and other protesters. For example, December 24 far-right activist Igor Mogilev was booed in Volgograd (previously convicted under Article 282 of the Criminal Code [18] ), who in his speech said that liberals work for the US State Department. IN in response to the whistle, the right-wing radicals present chanted "Russians, forward!". At the march on February 4 in Voronezh, nationalists, dissatisfied with the fact that the organizers sent them to the end of the column, in protest they crossed to the other side of the street and began to chant "Russians, forward!". In response, the left column became hoot, whistle and chant anti-fascist chants

The sharp rise in protest sentiment between Duma and presidential elections, and most importantly, the fact that the protests were predominantly under liberal slogans, turned out to be for the ultra-right environment big surprise. Unpreparedness for this turn of events was is clearly visible from the split, which almost immediately became apparent in the far-right Wednesday: part of the activists urged their associates not to visit "paid US State Department" "Jewish" actions, and continue to prepare for the "White Revolution", others, on the contrary, in every possible way agitated for their visit.

There was, of course, the hope of exploiting the new situation as a prologue to such a revolution. For example, on a number of ultra-right resources it was letter published [19] sentenced for life neo-Nazi Nikolai Korolyov, in which he called nationalists to quickly move on to the forcible seizure of power. For the power scenario the well-known publicist Maxim Kalashnikov also spoke, but he rather suggested joint coup of Vladimir Putin and a certain "third force" - nationalists and parts of the left - against the ruling bureaucracy and the "orange" (the author even promised personal protection to Vladimir Putin if he secretly distributes weapons to the "third force" [20] . A reverse example is the article "Theses of the Democratic Revolution", which was published by the NSI leader D. Bobrov [21] . IN in it, he outlined a number of goals (the resignation of Dmitry Medvedev and V. Putin, recalculation votes in the elections, the dismissal of Vladimir Churov, etc.), in order to achieve which he considers it acceptable to cooperate with other political forces. Previously D. Bobrov the possibility of cooperation with liberals or others I didn’t see oppositionists for myself.

Supporters of participation in opposition actions called on their activists not only go to the squares, but also, if possible, intercept initiative from the liberals, who were accused of "usurpation" of popular discontent. But it turned out to be impossible. As a result of the fact that many right-wing radicals chose not to participate in the "liberal revolt", the number of nationalists on rallies was an order of magnitude lower than it could have been. For example, in Moscow none of actions "For Fair Elections" were not attended by more than a thousand nationalists, then how the ultra-right managed to gather up to 6,000 supporters for the Russian March.

Nationalists in the structures of the protest movement

so the desired seizing of the initiative from the liberals, the leaders of the ultra-right organizations tried to be carried out not so much in the squares, but in the formation of structures that could - with a considerable degree of conventionality - be considered the governing structures protest movement.

As in the rallies, the nationalists played a double game - offered themselves as allies and at the same time acted as aggressive competitors. The leaders of the ultra-right movements sent a whole package of applications in Moscow for 24 December, openly competing with the organizing committee of the protest movement and, apparently, trying in this way to impose a compromise on the organization of the rally. However, all the nationalists' applications for the central squares were rejected by the Moscow authorities and They offered instead the traditional venue for the "Russian Marches" - Lublino. This the proposal, of course, was rejected, as it did not add to the nationalists "negotiation weight", that is, it did not allow bargaining with others by the organizers, blackmailing them with a more or less real scenario of a split in the protest, and also to impose on others their vision of the protest. Nationalists began to actively break through directly into the governing structures that arose during the organization of the first shares. In December, there were two main such structures: the Organizing Committee, which hosted final decisions, and the Initiative Group (IG), which acted as advisory body.

Initially, the nationalists in the Organizing Committee were represented only by Alexei Navalny, and the rest did not have the opportunity to enter it. Unwilling remain on the sidelines, the far right have become active participants in the IS, which they tried to use to put pressure on the Organizing Committee and enter which no one could interfere: to become a member, it was enough just to come to the meeting. Here, the nationalists quickly found themselves temporary allies from among the left. activists who, like them, were interested in not being forced out from the protest movement liberals and civil activists. Together they defended the right of equal access to the microphone for representatives of each "ideological sectors".

Frank "cheats" were used in online voting for nominations of speakers: at the largest (but at the same time non-transparent) Internet voting platform, the nationalists received implausibly high results, and the winner was the one who served time under Art. 282 UK ex-leader of the banned Format-18 group Maxim (Tesak) Martsinkevich. Representatives of the Organizing Committee accused the ultra-right of dishonesty and refused most of the "winners" in the speech, and they, in turn, said that they stole the victory. As a result, the idea of ​​introducing quotas for each of the ideologies for a rally on Sakharov Avenue. Of course, the equality of such quotas is not could be out of the question with the unconditional dominance of liberals in Organizing Committee, but the extreme left and the extreme right nevertheless achieved that on three people from each wing spoke at the podium of the main protest rally [22] .

Subsequently, the idea of ​​equal representation of different ideological directions formed the basis for the principle of dividing protesters into columns in the procession on February 4 along Bolshaya Yakimanka. There, too, the real balance of power. Of the approximately 40-50 thousand participants in the procession and rally the vast majority chose not to line up in ideological columns. From three columns, the largest was "liberal" (two columns - "Yabloko" and all the rest - totaled 3-4 thousand people), and the smallest - as times nationalistic, about 800-900 people.

Equal representation is much easier to achieve not on squares, but "in the committees". And on January 17, at the next meeting of the IG, it was achieved an agreement to transform it into the "Civil Movement of Russia", which had to choose a permanent body - the Civic Council (CS). According to the accepted decision, the GS was to consist of 60 people from four "curias": 10 people from three types of political organizations (nationalists, liberals, leftists) and 30 person from civil activists.

At the end of January, the nationalists announced that they would not form a permanent ten members of their "curia" - it will be determined before each meeting, the four coordinators, namely A. Belov, D. Demushkin, K. Krylov and V. Thor. So the definition of who will represent nationalists in the protest movement, actually ended up in the hands of the association "Russians" and "Russian Platform" coalitions, while the rest nationalist spectrum - near-football movements, Orthodox-monarchist ultra-right organizations and relatively moderate "old" (that is, dating back mainly to the 90s) national-patriotic movements - remained out of work. However, we recall that the majority of the ultra-right did not intend to participate in the protest movement.

In addition, the nationalists actively sought to get seats from the "general civil curia." Of the 30 "civil" organizations, 15 were elected to Council immediately, and among them there were no nationalists oriented. But also 15 were to be determined by SMS voting - and here for everyone political groups opened wide opportunities.

In the SMS voting "Russians" promoted their information resource - the "National News Service" (NSN), and also called for voting for a number of other camouflaged ultra-right groups or groups close to nationalists: "Civil support for Alexei Navalny", "Blagosta" Charitable Movement, "Right Ecology", "Rock Musicians", "Russian Sun" project, Union of Residents Khotkovo, Center for Independent Journalism (that is, the newspaper "In Their Own Names" [23] by Yuri Mukhina), "L.G. Ivashov Headquarters", and unions of officers and Cossacks. Besides, close to nationalists or to nationalist ideas were also put forward in the GS club "Russian Republican" V. Militarev, Association of Municipal deputies of Moscow, the initiative "Our City", the Union of Writers of Russia Valery Ganichev [24] , "Just Russians" by Dmitry Baranovsky; Y. Mukhin's supporters, apparently, represented two more groups: "For Responsible Power" and the Anti-Fascist Tribunal. SMS voting results of the listed organizations, the first 15 included: "In Their Own Names", NSN, "Right Ecology", "For Responsible Power", Anti-Fascist Tribunal and Writers' Union Russia Ganichev. Thus, the thirty members from the "civil curia" included three supporters of Y. Mukhin, the candidate from the NSN Dmitry Yager and the candidate from the Right ecology" Vladimir Perederiy. Attempts by left-wing activists to exercise the right veto and prohibit the representation of some nationalists from the "civil curia" [25] met with resistance from Just Russia deputy Ilya Ponomarev, and the question was not even put to a vote.

The nationalists did not ignore even the "liberal" curia, from which one of the leaders of the "National Democratic Alliance" was elected to the SG I. Lazarenko, a veteran of the neo-Nazi movement in Russia (symbols of the in 1996 "Navi Church - Gnostic Church of the White Race" matches the symbol NDA).

In general, it can be noted that the presence of nationalists in the "Civil movement" (as earlier in the Initiative Group) met with serious resistance a significant part of the left, as well as part of the liberal and human rights activists (for example, due to the high proportion of ultra-rightists, the Moscow "Memorial"). However, this resistance did not gather sufficient support, so as part of the liberal and left activists, on the contrary, advocated the preservation unity with the nationalists. Some even openly supported them - for example, member of the Bureau of the movement "Solidarity" Mark Feigin and editor-in-chief of the publication "Forum.msk.ru" Anatoly Baranov ("Left Front").

The willingness of some representatives of other movements to cooperate with ultra-right was also shown by the formation of another organization - the Russian political committee, which was created in opposition to the "Yeltsin liberals" in early January. The Committee tried to directly compete with the Organizing Committee of the rallies "For Fair Elections", for example, filed separate applications for holding a rally on days when general opposition rallies were scheduled.

Committee Manifesto [26] signed nationalists K. Krylov and V. Tor (ROD), A. Khramov (RGS), Nadezhda Shalimova (Chief Editor of the journal "Issues of Nationalism"), I. Lazarenko (NDA) and Alexander Krasnov (party "Great Russia"). From other movements - already mentioned A. Baranov (Left Front) and M. Feigin ("Solidarity"), as well as the famous Islamist Heydar Dzhemal (International Union, "Left Front"), N. Ivanov and N. Nikolaev (International union), Olga Kurnosova (Chairman of the St. Petersburg branch of the United civil front), etc.

Summing up, we note that the efforts of the leaders of the association "Russians" and "Russian platform" were not in vain: thanks to active participation in protest actions, they were able to raise their status in the eyes of society, which now began to perceive them as equal members of the opposition and legitimate representatives of the entire ultra-right movement. Even though this is not correspond to reality and the vast majority of right-wing radicals negatively towards the leaders of these organizations, the winter protests allowed them to take a big step towards demarginalization [27] .

For the sake of achieving such a significant goal in the speeches of right-wing radicals at the rallies in Moscow, the specific far-right rhetoric, which was replaced by criticism of the current political mode. However, the demonstrative moderation of speeches does not mean at all that the leaders or ordinary right-wing radical activists renounce their views, in which the opposition It is quite compatible with outright racism and xenophobia. As seen well in example of St. Petersburg, not even all the leaders of ultra-right organizations were ready to sacrifice part of the ideology in order to join the ranks protesters. And certainly not going to do this ordinary activists. Even those of them who attended the protests, in the mass are carriers of much more radical version of nationalism, which is what their leaders are trying to show from the stage.

Thus, a paradoxical situation has developed: figures, who have now become in the eyes of society "official representatives" of the Russian nationalism, actually represent only a small sector general nationalist field, and even then they publicly defend only part of the demands this sector.

Other public activity

In addition to participating in protests, the far right spent this winter and several non-political campaigns.

Raids continued to search for illegal immigrants in Moscow, jointly with representatives of the Federal Migration Service, which since autumn began to regularly activists of the far-right organization "Light Rus'" by Igor Mangushev. This the initiative was picked up by the Novosibirsk far-right organization "Northern wolf" [28] , which began, together with the FMS, to conduct raids to check documents at visitors. As we have already said, cooperation between right-wing radicals and law enforcement officers in such activities is unacceptable.

Organization ROD-Siberia Rostislav Antonov held this in winter, a number of non-political actions, which is a continuation of her policy attracting the attention of local residents with various social actions, not with clear nationalist overtones. Recall that earlier ROD-Siberia actively took part in rallies against the abolition of benefits for pensioners, in pickets for "deceived equity holders" and was noted in the campaign "Stop feeding the Caucasus!" under the slogan "Stop feeding Moscow!".

Firstly, R. Antonov created the organization "Civil patrol", the main activity of which is the implementation of raids on grocery stores to identify expired products.

Secondly, with the active participation of ROD-Siberia in a number of Siberian cities, nationalists held a series of actions against the construction of the Novokuznetsk plant for the production of ferrosilicomanganese. The actions were held under the slogan "For clean air of Siberia.

This policy allows the far right to acquire a positive image, and in some cases - and seek cooperation with local authorities and law enforcement agencies. But in general, the revival political life in the country led to a reduction in the number of social actions, which a year ago it was much more. The practice of helping right-wing radicals to orphanages, donation, etc., is practically invisible.

The main object, which is now directed charitable activities of the ultra-right, became nationalists who are in places of detention. Fundraising for "right-wing prisoners of conscience" has become prestigious and almost obligatory activity. In this regard, the article Maxim Martsinkevich, in which he called on the nationalists to stop helping "vegetables" (that is, ordinary Russian inhabitants), who will be helped by "other vegetables" anyway, and only "right-wingers" will help prisoners", whom no one, except for comrades-in-arms, will help.

This theme is also reflected in political activities. ultra-right, actively trying to induce the rest of the opposition to include in lists of "political prisoners" of convicted nationalists, including those who was accused of committing violent crimes (for example, Nikita Tikhonov), however, so far without much success [29] .

Separately, it is worth noting the sensational action of football fans in the city of Maloyaroslavets, Kaluga region on January 21. About 300 FC fans Spartak, Lokomotiv, Dynamo, CSKA, Torpedo, Khimki, Saturn held a procession in the city with the aim of handing over to the city authorities a petition in support of fan Alexei Ershov. Fan of "Spartacus" A. Ershov in September 2011 in during a mass fight with the natives of Armenia received several stab wounds and spent a month in the hospital. 19-year-old Alik Simonyan was accused of inflicting injuries; he was first arrested, but later released on bail. When Ershov left the hospital, according to him, Simonyan's countrymen began to threaten him. Except In addition, the police received a counter-claim against Yershov, accusing him of attack from one of the natives of the Caucasus. Protesting against this, the fans arrived from Moscow to Maloyaroslavets, where they were met by one of the local deputies and the head of the city administration; the latter promised to take matters into his own hands control. Some of the fans also walked around the city, collecting signatures from local residents. with the requirement not to let the criminal escape from the answer. Signature sheets were handed over to prosecutor's office and city administration. Then the fans left in an organized manner Maloyaroslavets.

This action is interesting for its emphatically non-political and peaceful character, in contrast to what could be seen on Manezhnaya Square in December 2010. Apparently this behavior is the result of effectively distancing the organizers from the far right.

party building

At the end of December - January, when there was a break in holding public actions, ultra-right, inspired by the contribution of D. Medvedev December 23, 2011 draft law simplifying the registration of parties, began to work on the creation own party projects.

The first should be called the party project of Valery Soloviev, professor MGIMO, once known as an academic specialist in Russian nationalism, and then became a prominent theorist of the racist version nationalism. The future party is called "New Force", its main slogan is to become "Liberty, Nation, Justice". As conceived by V. Nightingale, "New Force" is national democratic project designed to make the slogans of the nationalists understandable and relevant not so much for the already existing ultra-right activists as for other citizens of the country. In particular, V. Solovey states that traditional slogans of nationalists - the abolition of articles 280 and 282 of the Criminal Code and giving the Russian people of the status of a state-forming - are unclear to society, and anti-migrant slogans are not enough. Based on this, the main focus is to democratic and social slogans: " If the nationalists want to win these elections, then they need to stop being only nationalists, and become more (and even in the first place!) democrats and defenders of the welfare state " [30] .

It is reported that in the working group on the creation of the party, in addition to others, included V. Nightingale, Dmitry Feoktistov (Russian Civil Union) and Alla Gorbunova (ROD K. Krylov). In addition, representatives of the RIM and the banned RONS. V. Nightingale invited Daniil Konstantinov to join the project (Moscow Defense League), but he never responded to the proposal [31] .

Judging by the statements of the leaders of the New Force party, the presentation which took place on February 17 in Moscow, will not participate in the new project well-known far-right activists. According to a member of the organizing committee of the party A. Gorbunova: " DPNI and leaders like Dmitry Demushkin and Alexander Belov (Potkin) remained in the past, as left in the past representatives of the old liberal guard Nemtsov-Ryzhkov-Kasyanov. There is fatigue from them and a demand for new ones. leaders. That is why the "New Force" did not start chasing the "media" characters, deciding to "unwind" from scratch" [32] . However, so far there is nothing essentially new in the declared ideology of the party. Demands for political democracy, the abolition of financial preferences by the North Caucasian republics, release of political prisoners and permission to free carrying weapons is in no way contrary to the requirements that the far right usually voiced, getting into the public space.

Autonomous right-wing radicals, as expected, took the news about the creation of the party rather negatively, calling it another "Jewish" and "liberal" project, urging associates not to get involved with those who are going to "play by the rules of the system", and concentrate efforts on the power capture authorities. However, there were also those who decided to support the new organization, citing on the authority and "adequacy" of V. Nightingale.

Almost immediately after the announcement of the creation "New Force", Konstantin Krylov said that he also intends to launch a party project - the Russian National Democratic Party (RNDP), which should was to begin to form on the basis of the ROD (K. Krylov) and the CSG (A. Khramov). Main party principles: national democratic state, republic with a strong presidential power and a government controlled by parliament, encouragement small and medium business, progressive scale of taxation, federalism.

K. Krylov invited everyone to join the ranks of the new party wishing, thus trying to oppose their "open to all" project to the "closed" project of V. Nightingale.

The emergence of the second National Democratic Party, ideologically almost identical to the first, was expectedly perceived as an autonomous environment as yet another fragmentation of the ultra-right flank.

In addition to V. Nightingale and K. Krylov, party building the veteran of the nationalist movement Sergei Baburin, who was still in December announced his intention to return to his organization the Russian nationwide union (ROS) the status of a political party, which the ROS once renounced itself. The party included Nikolai Kuryanovich (ex-deputy of the State Duma of the Russian Federation from the Liberal Democratic Party, known proximity to various ultra-right groups), Roman Zentsov (leader of the movement "Resistance"), Ivan Mironov (defendant in the case of the attempt on Anatoly Chubais), Alexander Turik (NRC). The ROS congress was attended by a representative of the "Russian image" Yevgeny Valyaev, however, there is nothing about the participation of this organization in the party reported. 1

February 18 in Moscow in the hotel "Metropol" constituent assembly of the Right-Conservative Alliance - an organization moderately related to power, that is, ready to cooperate with it through the former leader who became First Deputy Prime Minister parliamentary nationalists Dmitry Rogozin, but still positioning itself as an opposition. Judging by meeting participants, it could be assumed that the coalition would include the Russian social movement ("old" ROD V. Militarev), "Resistance" (R. Zentsov), "Russian image" (Aleksey Mikhailov). Representatives attended near-church organizations - enough official World Russian People's Cathedral (Alexander Rudakov) and the Council of Orthodox Organizations (Maxim Markov) and the marginal Union of Orthodox Brotherhoods (Yuri Ageshchev), as well as led by Alexander Dugin of the Center for Conservative Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Moscow State University (Valery Korovin) and others.

However, soon after the meeting in the ultra-right milieu flared up scandal over the participation in the event (via Skype) of the former head "Russian image" Ilya Goryachev, who, we recall, is considered a traitor due to testimonies he gave in the Tikhonov-Khasis case. In response quickly enough a statement by R. Zentsov appeared that the "Resistance" would not join either in what associations with discredited organizations and people. IN. Militarev tried to defend the authority of the new organization and his own, stating that he is ready to agree with the opinion that I. Goryachev and the Russian Obraz are traitors, only if serious evidence of Tikhonov's innocence is announced and the fact of planting a pistol by Goryachev.

Be that as it may, after the authoritative in the ultra-right environment, R. Zentsov made it clear that he would no longer take part in this organization, it became clear that the idea of ​​creating a PCA failed: neither ROD V. Militarev, nor the "Russian Image" hated by most right-wing radicals have sufficient resources to independently create a viable ultra-right association, and Orthodox political organizations in this environment do not enjoy authority.

The "Russians" association revealed its party ambitions only in March, and in the winter she was engaged in expanding her organization, creating new regional branches (in Pskov, Volgograd, Yuzhno-Sakhalinsk, Orenburg and Nizhny Novgorod). Of all the new branches, more or less actively behaved only Nizhny Novgorod, which held several independent actions, on which, however, never gathered more than 35 people, even when from D. Dyomushkin personally arrived in Moscow.

In addition, national-patriotic movements of the 90s - early 2000s, which, like S. Baburin, began restore old or create new organizations for the purpose of their subsequent registration with the Ministry of Justice as parties.

An application for registration was submitted by the union "Our Motherland", which consists of fragments of the Rodina party of Dmitry Rogozin, namely Great Russia Andrey Saveliev, "For Our Russia" by Mikhail Lermontov and "Motherland is sound meaning" [33] Vladimir Filin. Union "Our Motherland" was formed in the spring of 2011 [34] , but hasn't shown up since then. The only more or less "living" part this union is "Great Russia", which, at least, tried hold your own promotions and somehow stand out. The news was pretty loud. on the withdrawal of supporters of "Great Russia" from the Congress of Russian Communities (CRO) in December 2011, after the KRO began to openly campaign for Vladimir Putin (later those who refused to leave the KRO were expelled from the party).

A separate application for registration was also submitted by the Motherland - common sense" headed by Mikhail Delyagin.

Veterans of the ultra-right also decided to re-register movements - the "Unity" conceptual party, which is now called "Course of Truth and Unity". Its ideologue, Major General Konstantin Petrov, died in 2009, and the party was headed by Yuri Moskalev. Recall that the ideology of the KPE is based on a collection of documents called "The concept of public security "Dead Water"". The "Concept" itself is a bizarre mixture Stalinism and mysticism. In particular, the USSR stands for "Holy Cathedral Just Russia", and Joseph Stalin is considered an example of effective management. It also assumes the presence of a world conspiracy (predictor), which was carried out more than three thousand years ago by the ancient Egyptian priests-hierophants, who govern the "World Masonic Government" [35] .

The new party was created by Yuri Mukhin - the head of the banned in October 2010 "Army of the will of the people". The party was named "Socialist People's Party of Russia "People"

Let us also list a number of very small groups that are now trying to become parties.

Another "old" organization that decided to relaunch its work, is the Orthodox-patriotic "National Conservative party of Russia". Its ideologist, Sergei Lykoshin, died in 2006, and at the moment the organizing committee of the party was headed by the head of the Novosibirsk branch of the party Alexander Shevchenko.

The National Unity Party applied for registration "Rus" by Viktor Pugachev, which in the ultra-right environment is often called simply "Party RNU" or "Rus - National Unity". It is reported that the the founders included about 20 people, many of whom were previously members of the DPNI, RNU, "Slavic Force", the National Power Party of Russia, National Socialist Society and the "People's Militia named after Minin and Pozharsky" (NOMP). The party took part in the "imperial Russian march" on November 4, 2011 and repeatedly participated in actions to protect Colonel V. Kvachkov, which conducted NOMP.

Close to National Socialism is another party, applied for registration - the Party of the Revival of the National Social justice in Russia. It was formed in May 2010 and is headed by Konstantin Klimov. The party is actively engaged in helping "right-wing prisoners of conscience."

Documents for registration of your party - All-Russian political party "People's Party of Russia" - filed by Sergei Zhuravlev, who, with In 2006, he headed the Voronezh branch of the LDPR party.

Party "Common Cause" Vladislav Karabanov, founding whose congress was held on February 4-5, 2012 is created on the basis of the Russian Information Agency (ARI.ru), the editor-in-chief of which is Karabanov. ARI - group neo-pagan orientation, in the past quite closely collaborating with the far right organization "Northern Brotherhood" and directly with its ideologue Peter Khomyakov.

In addition, several small proto-parties of the Orthodox persuasion with undoubted elements of nationalism.

"People's Movement "Holy Rus ", which is headed by the head of the company" Russian milk "Vasily Boyko-Veliky. V. Boyko-Veliky became widely known when in the summer of 2010 year promised to fire employees who had abortions, and under pain of dismissal forced all his married employees to get married in the church.

"Party of Orthodox Justice" - Russian Orthodox socialist group of the former leader of the youth organization "OSA" and ex-member of "Fair Russia" Nikita Slepnev. For help with development ideology of the new party, N. Slepnev turned to Archpriest Vsevolod Chaplin. Recall that last summer N. Slepnev became a member of the far-right organization "People's Cathedral".

"Orthodox Socialist Party of Russia" by Sergei Zhitinsky and Andrei Karpov is ideologically close to the party of N. Slepnev. Also, like the last one, S. Zhitinsky and A. Karpov met on February 10, 2012 with Archpriest V. Chaplin. N. Slepnev himself announced his readiness to cooperate with new party.

Finally, the "People's Party of the Majority" of Viktor Aksyuchits, the leader of Russian Christian Democratic Movement (later word "democratic" was replaced by "sovereign"), which existed in the late 1980s - mid-1990s.

Official registration was needed by several monarchical parties, such as: "Autocratic Russia" Dmitry Merkulov (a fragment of the "Union Russian People"), "Monarchist Party", "Monarchist Party of Russia", All-Russian political party "Monarchist Party of Russia".

And also - to several Cossacks: "Cossack Party", "World Brotherhood of the Cossack and Officer Special Forces", "People's Cossack Consolidation countering officials who violate laws, the Constitution and natural rights Cossacks on self-organization and self-government "Union of Cossack Formations Russian Federation".

Note that of all the above nationalist organizations at D. Medvedev's meeting with representatives of unregistered parties on February 20, only ROS (S. Baburin), "For our Motherland" (M. Lermontov) and KPE (Yu. Moskalev).

Municipal elections in Moscow, held simultaneously with presidential, have become a pretext for new and old ultra-right organizations test your strength in a real political struggle.

The association "Russians" and ROD promoted 8 of their candidates: Andrey Ambartsumov, Alexey Prikhodko, Maxim Mayorov, Alexander Gruzinov, Matvey Tseng, Sergey Stashevsky, Pyotr Miloserdov and Nadezhda Shalimov. Dial the first four candidates got the required number of votes, while more than well-known in the ultra-right milieu M. Tseng, P. Miloserdov and N. Shalimova did not receive public support.

"Right League" also took part in the Moscow municipal elections, nominating 4 candidates for South Tushino area (all were nominated by A Just Russia). Of the four only one candidate received support - Mikhail Lifanov.

The National Social Revival Party was more successful in the elections. justice (see above), which nominated its own leader Konstantin Klimov and activist Tatyana Ivanova (both from "Fair Russia"). Both became deputies.

The leader of the My Yard movement managed to break into the municipality Mikhail Butrimov, as well as another candidate from this organization, Sergei Rublev (nominated by the Liberal Democratic Party). The third candidate from the organization "My Yard", Sergey Tsyganov, (nominated by the Communist Party), did not get the required number of votes.

The specifics of municipal elections, unfortunately, does not allow us to assess how large our own the merit of the elect in this victory. After all, in most cases, the voter votes or for a candidate from a party that appeals to him (and nationalists in the mass of their own ran on behalf of the parties), or based on a brief description biography of the candidate.

While it is difficult to assess the possible prospects of the far right parties. At this stage, none of the organizations has a minimum a sufficient number of supporters who are ready to participate in legal political fight. Those ultra-right activists who manage to be taken to the streets, like usually focused on forceful actions, and potential supporters from among xenophobic Russians are not yet ready to respond to the calls of nationalist organizations. Moreover, due to the fact that the next elections to the federal parliament will most likely not be held soon, right-wing radicals should be guided will have to participate not in the federal, but in the regional and local political life. So far, more or less independent and active representations in the regions only K. Krylov's ROD has, but these representations are not have almost no political weight. Other organizations listed either extremely weak regional branches, or organizations that are part of associations are known only in any one region, such as RID in Petersburg or RONS in the Vladimir region. Thus, it should expect a sharp intensification of competition among nationalists for regional nationalist movements that have become famous.

Even assuming that the Russian political system will be so liberalized that right-wing radicals will not be hindered, internal divisions and the absence of an electoral core, i.e. sufficient number of consistent supporters, call into question their success in real political struggle in the near future.

Opposition to xenophobia and radical

nationalism

Public opposition

In the field of public opposition, the most notable event was the third year of the All-Russian action in memory of the lawyer Stanislav Markelov and journalist Anastasia Baburova on the day of their death 19 January. The action in one form or another took place in at least 15 Russian cities [36] . (Geographical coverage has dropped markedly compared to 2011, when the event was held at 23 cities). About 500-600 people took part in the anti-fascist procession and rally in Moscow people - about the same as a year earlier.

The murder of anti-fascist Nikita Kalin in Samara on February 9, 2012 also prompted informal activists to hold commemorative memorial events in nine cities of Russia.

Criminal prosecution for violence

Criminal prosecution for xenophobic violence of the past not very active in winter. During the three winter months, not less than 6 convictions for violence in which the hate motive was taken into account by the courts. Total in these processes were convicted 9 people in St. Petersburg, Irkutsk, Tula regions, the Republics of Altai and Tatarstan, Khabarovsk Territory. In 2012 there was three convictions in cases of racist violence resulting in 4 convictions person.

The following articles of the Criminal Code were used to qualify crimes: pp. "g", "l" part 2 tbsp. 105 ("Hate-motivated murder"), part 3 of Art. 30, p. "l" Part 2 Art. 105 ("Attempted murder motivated by hatred"), Part 2 of Art. 119 UK (“Threat of death motivated by hatred or enmity against any social group [37] "), Part 2 Art. 213 of the Criminal Code ("Hooliganism motivated by hatred"), paragraph "b" part 2 of Art. 116 ("Beatings motivated by national hatred"), paragraph "e" part 2 of Art. 111 of the Criminal Code ("Causing grievous bodily harm motivated by national hatred"). We do not know of any one case of application of Art. 282 ("Inciting national hatred") for qualification of the racist nature of the attacks. But in one of the sentences featured part 1 of Art. 280 of the Criminal Code ("Public calls for extremist activity"), which did not refer to the violence itself, but to other actions of the convict.

The penalties were distributed as follows:

• 4 people were sentenced conditionally, without additional punishment;
• 2 people sentenced to 3 years in prison and 5 years;
• 1 person was sentenced to imprisonment for 8 years;
• 2 people were sentenced to imprisonment for 11 and 13 years old.

If in 2011 suspended sentences were about a third of of the total number of convicts, then in the winter period their share again became depressingly high and amounted to almost half (4 out of 9 people). It seems especially egregious to us suspended sentence issued by the Krasnoselsky District Court of St. Petersburg three far-right members of Vladislav Gavrichenkov's group, who were accused of organization of more than 30 explosions in the places of residence and work of people from the Middle Asia and the Caucasus, as well as in arson of their property [38] .

In February, the first known conviction for assault was handed down, committed in December 2010 after the events on Manezhnaya Square in Moscow. 2 February 2012 Zyuzinsky District Court of Moscow recognized Sergey Vnenko and Denis Fomin guilty of the murder of 22-year-old citizen of Uzbekistan Damir Karshiev. defendants claimed to have stood up for a girl allegedly attacked by the deceased (and whom ended up not being found). As a result, the motive of hatred fell out of the sentence. Such interpretation of the event seems doubtful to us, given the period of the commission crimes and the fact that a xenophobic literature. D. Fomin was convicted of causing grievous bodily harm, caused the death of the victim, and was sentenced to 7 years in prison with serving a sentence in a strict regime colony. S. Vnenk was convicted only for causing minor bodily harm and got off with a suspended sentence.

Prosecution for propaganda

In the winter of 2011-2012, at least 15 sentences were handed down for xenophobic propaganda against 22 people. The verdicts were handed down at 14 regions of Russia (Moscow, St. Petersburg, Arkhangelsk, Kemerovo, Kursk, Murmansk, Novgorod, Ryazan, Saratov and Tyumen regions, the Republic of Khakassia and the Udmurt Republic, the Trans-Baikal Territory). Since the beginning of 2012 year in 12 regions of Russia, 13 such sentences were handed down, according to which 20 people were convicted.

The number of sentences for propaganda almost doubled exceeded the number of convictions for violence and vandalism (6 for violence, 2 for vandalism) during this period. Note that such a number of sentences for propaganda and such a ratio is very rare in our practice.

Traditionally, in the vast majority of sentences (13 out of 15) Part 1 of Art. 282 of the Criminal Code, in two cases it was applied together with Art. 280 of the Criminal Code. In one judgment, only Art. 280: in Noyabrsk, Tyumen region a 16-year-old teenager was convicted for making and distributing leaflets with calls to commit violence against "non-Slavs".

In addition, the already mentioned verdict was included in the statistics. Petersburg demolitionists, whose verdict, in addition to other articles (part. 2 tbsp. 213 of the Criminal Code, part 2 of Art. 167 of the Criminal Code ("Deliberate destruction of another's property"), part 3 Art. 222 ("Illegal storage of ammunition"), part 3 of Art. 223 ("Making explosive devices by an organized group"), paragraph "a" part 2 of article 116 ("Beatings") was and part 1 Art. 280 of the Criminal Code.

Judgments for propaganda were distributed as follows way:

• 1 person was sentenced to imprisonment, including with a ban for professional activities;
• 5 - sentenced conditionally without any additional sanctions;
• 3 - sentenced to various fines;
• 8 - to compulsory work;
• 1 - to educational work;
• 1 - directed to compulsory treatment;
• 3 - released from punishment due to the expiration of the term prescription.

As we have repeatedly written before, we approve the prevailing tendency not to punish with imprisonment only "for words". IN during the winter months, only one custodial sentence was handed down. IN Abakan (Khakassia), 54-year-old Alexander Ishchenko was convicted for distributing Internet bulletins of the local branch of the People's Militia. K. Minin and D. Pozharsky (NOMP) and produced for distribution a DVD with materials already included in the Federal List of Extremist Materials. But Ishchenko has his own term received, taking into account the previously unserved sentence: he had previously been convicted of "attack on a government official"

The verdict against the Abakan NOMP activist is also notable for the fact that that during the reporting period only in it such a measure as a ban was applied for a profession. The court forbade A. Ishchenko to engage in organizational and administrative activities in the media. The practice of banning occupation of professional activity seems to us an adequate measure punishment for propagandists who disseminate xenophobic ideas in public. Unfortunately, it is used extremely rarely, and in 2011, as far as we It is known that this practice did not develop at all.

Proportion of suspended sentences for propaganda (5 out of 22 people) decreased markedly compared to the previous period (8 out of 19 in autumn 2011) and accounted for 23% of the total number of convicts. Other punishments not related with imprisonment (mandatory and educational work, fines), was subjected to most of the convicts (12 out of 22), which, of course, is much more adequate punishment for such crimes.

Unfortunately, law enforcement forces are still focused on the fight against minor acts. law enforcers continue to replenish the statistics with sentences for posting on social networks "Mein Kampf", xenophobic videos, for comments on the forums, that is, for statements, which for the most part were not so widely available as to become the subject of prosecution [39] . That the same can be said about sentences for graffiti on the walls of houses.

In the winter of 2011-2012, we again encountered cases application of Art. 282 ¹ ("Organization of an extremist community") and Art. 282 ² ("Organization of the activities of an extremist organization") of the Criminal Code. The first article was applied to one of the members of the neo-Nazi group "Front of Kazan Patriots" [40] , received in conjunction with other articles for violent crimes (including Articles 213, 116) three years in a penal colony, and Article 282 ² Criminal Code - to another Krasnodar activist of the Rada of the Kuban Spiritual-Clan Power of Rus' "(local branch of the right-wing radical neo-pagan organization "Spiritual-Clan Power of Rus'", recognized extremist in April 2011), who received one year in prison conditionally with a probationary period of one year.

Federal list of extremist materials

For three winter months, the "Federal List of Extremist materials" was replenished 13 times, paragraphs 1042-1081 were added to it.

The list has been added:

• books of Jehovah's Witnesses,
• Islamic materials of various kinds, including Hizb ut-Tahrir leaflets, publications from radical Islamist websites hunafa.com and djamaattakbir.com (and the entire site itself),
• xenophobic materials of various kinds, including books publishing house "Russkaya Pravda", a book by science fiction writer Yuri Petukhov, a brochure and leaflets associated with the RONS, nationalist newspapers ("Our Tribune", "Russian Front of Muscovy", "Resonance"), xenophobic sites, video files.

The quality of the list is not improving, it is still materials are added that are difficult to identify due to bibliographic and grammatical negligence in the description.

Beyond the repetitions caused by parallel court decisions (there are 39 items), the list continues to grow due to the addition of other editions of materials already there. Thus, during the reporting period there were Valery Demin's book "From the Aryans to the Rusichs", published by Russkaya Pravda in 2008 (p. 1046), and Vladimir Istarkhov's book "Blow of the Russian Gods" (p. 1058), published by LIO "Editor" in 2001. Previous editions of these books are already in list (book Demin from 2005 years - under p. 553, Istarkhov's book, published by Russkaya Pravda - even twice (p. 289, p. 918) [41] ). Book editions are practically nothing do not differ from each other, but formally they are not duplicates due to different output. We doubt the advisability of including of the same books to a list already reached at the time of writing report 1096 points.

Other administrative measures

In the winter of 2011-2012, the Federal Service for Supervision in the communications, information technology and mass communications (Roskomnadzor) announced the issuance of at least 7 anti-extremist warnings to editorial offices MASS MEDIA. Of these warnings, at least one we consider unlawful - the editors the Zarya newspaper, simply for disseminating information about the NBP on the Internet. In two more cases, we doubt the legitimacy of the decisions made: editorial warnings newspaper "Don Cossack Republic" for the publication of articles in support of the Cossack movement and the creation of the Cossack Republic [42] and editors APN.ru for disseminating the speech of Konstantin Krylov at the rally "Enough feed the Caucasus!" [43] . For the summer and spring periods, we considered illegal about half of the warnings issued, and for the whole of 2011 - about 40% (10 out of 25).

But clearly legitimate are, for example, warnings from the editors publications "New Region" for distribution on the Internet of Doku's video message Umarov, the editors of the newspaper "Svoyi names" [44] for the article "Fear Nothing!", which calls for bringing the political activity of the " favorable part" population to the desire to take up arms, "etc.

As regards the practice of administrative prosecution on various articles of the Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation, it was not very noticeable in winter. We know only three sentences under Art. 20.3 of the Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation ("Propaganda and public demonstration of Nazi paraphernalia or symbols") - in Saratov, Kaluga region and in Murom, Vladimir region. All defendants were fined.

We know about the activities of the prosecutor's offices in the reporting period A little. Only representations made to employees of communal services are reported. services in Moscow and other cities (in Penza, Kaliningrad and Kaluga areas) for the swastikas painted on the walls of houses and fences, which were successfully removed after prosecutorial intervention.

---

[1] When preparation of the report materials of daily monitoring of the SOVA Center were used (including number in several regions of Russia). Monitoring was carried out using state support funds allocated as grants in compliance with Order of the President of the Russian Federation No. 127-rp dated March 2, 2011 G.

[2] All data for 2012 are at the time of writing - 21 March 2012

[3] Grigory Tumanov. The execution was sent for verification // Gazeta.ru. 2012. February 2 (http://www.gazeta.ru/social/2012/02/02/3984805.shtml).

[4] For more details, see: Suspect in ritual murder detained in Podolsk murder // SOVA Center. March 2, 2012 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/counteraction/2012/03/d23809/).

[5] For the first time, the names and photos of the girls were published on the blog former head of the "Russian Image" Yevgeny Valyaev and on the far-right website modus-agendi. On the same day, in addition to photos and names, there were also the addresses of the same 5 girls: they were posted in his LiveJournal by a right-wing blogger with nickname collahost. For more details, see: Okhotin Grigory. For the Cathedral of Christ the Savior took revenge on the wrong // Public Post. February 25, 2012 (http://publicpost.ru/theme/id/1087/).

[6] In the fall of 2011, the sign of the same restaurant appeared swastika image.

[7] For more details, see: On the day of elections in Moscow, the action was suppressed protest of nationalists // SOVA Center. 2011. December 5 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/counteraction/2011/12/d23168/).

[8] For more details, see: Nationalists rallied on December 10 and 11 in Moscow. On December 11, there were fewer of them on Bolotnaya Square // SOVA Center. December 12, 2011 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2011/12/d23226/).

[9] For more details, see: Actions of nationalists on December 10 and 11 in cities Russia // SOVA Center. 2011. December 13 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2011/12/d23232/).

[10] For more details, see: Nationalist Actions in Moscow // SOVA Center. 2012. February 18 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2012/02/d23705/).

[11] For more details, see: Nationalists rallied on December 10 and 11 in Moscow. On December 11, there were fewer of them on Bolotnaya Square // SOVA Center. December 12, 2011 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2011/12/d23226/).

[12] For more details, see: Alperovich V., Verkhovsky A., Yudina N. Between Manezhnaya and Bolotnaya: Xenophobia and Radical Nationalism and Opposition to Them in 2011 in Russia // SOVA Center. 2012. February 24 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/publications/2012/02/d23739/).

[13] For more details, see: Nationalists participated in an opposition rally in Moscow // SOVA Center. 2011. December 26 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2011/12/d23323/).

[14] For more details, see: Participation of nationalists in the procession and rally in Moscow February 4 // SOVA Center. 2012. February 5 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2012/02/d23587/).

[15] For more details, see: Actions of nationalists on December 10 and 11 in cities Russia // SOVA Center. 2011. December 13 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2011/12/d23232/).

[16] For more details, see: Nationalists at Rallies Against Fraud elections in Russia // SOVA Center. 2011. December 27 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2011/12/d23337/).

[17] For more details, see: Participation of Nationalists in the Actions "For Fair Elections" in different cities of the country // SOVA Center. 2012. February 7 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2012/02/d23611/).

[18] Igor Mogilev was sentenced // SOVA Center. 2006. December 18 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/counteraction/2006/12/d9807/).

[19] Korolev Nikolay. Elections without a choice // Right News. 2011.9 December.

[20] Kalashnikov Maxim. Second Criminal-Liberal Revolution: orange // Live journal M. Kalashnikov. 2011. December 25.

[21] Dmitry Bobrov. Theses of the democratic revolution // Coalition website "Russian platform". 2011. December 9th.

[22] For more details, see: Alperovich V., Verkhovsky A., Yudina N. Between Manezhnaya and Bolotnaya: Xenophobia and Radical Nationalism and Opposition to Them in 2011 in Russia.

[23] For more information about the newspaper, see: Roskomnadzor demands to close the newspaper Svoimi names" // SOVA Center. 2011. October 7 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/counteraction/2011/10/d22722/).

[24] Anti-Semite in the ward // SOVA Center. 2005. November 16 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2005/11/d6371/).

[25] Just to keep political groups from occupied the "civilian" sector, was provided - and it was on the initiative nationalists - such a mechanism: two "political" curia could block election of any group from the curia "civil"

[26] Manifesto of the Russian Political Committee // National Democratic Alliance. 2012. January 13.

[27] At a large protest rally on March 10, 2012, for the first time, no word was none of the nationalists received, but was it the result of awareness The Organizing Committee of the problematic cooperation with the ultra-right, we do not know.

[28] "Northern Wolf" operates under the brand name of the reenactment club, its activists take part in "Russian Jogging".

[29] From the list in 39 person handed over by opposition representatives to President Medvedev at a meeting on February 20, to the presidential order to the Prosecutor General to draw attention to relevant cases, a slightly abbreviated list of 32 was attached person, and only one person from the ultra-right actually entered it - Ivan Belousov, former National Socialist activist society (NSO), convicted of complicity in the explosion at Manezhnaya area in 2007. Some human rights activists agree with Belousov's defense in that his guilt has not been proven.

[30] Nightingale V. About the Russian Party // Russian Platform. 2012.12 January.

[31] On March 22, 2012, Konstantinov was arrested on suspicion of complicity in murder.

[32] A moral revolution has taken place in Russia, ahead of it is a political and social // New Region. 2012. February 18 (http://www.nr2.ru/moskow/373553.html).

[33] In the spring of 2011, "Motherland - Common Sense" split: part activists stayed with its leader Mikhail Delyagin, others left with Vladimir Filin. The split was preceded by the mutual exclusion of V. Filin and M. Delyagin from parties.

[34] Alperovich V., Yudina N. Spring 2011: Loud processes and far-right neoplasms // SOVA Center. 2011. June 28 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/publications/2011/06/d21974/).

[35] For more on KPI, see Evgeniy Moroz. Pagan Stalinists, or "Conceptual Party "Unity" // SOVA Center. 2003. November 24 (http://www.sova-center.ru/religion/publications/2003/11/d1377/).

[36] On the eve of the rally in the Moscow metro, the "Committee on January 19" also organized an exhibition of anti-fascist posters created since the early 1920s. Activists pasted up reproductions of paintings in lobbies, stations and carriages Pablo Picasso and Salvador Dali, posters of the Kukryniksy during the Great Patriotic War war, the work of Russian and foreign contemporary street artists.

[37] We are talking about the social group "migrants".

[38] For a complete list of crimes, see: In St. Petersburg, right-wing radicals accused of new crimes // SOVA Center. June 11, 2010 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/counteraction/2010/06/d19011/).

[39] Alperovich V., Verkhovsky A., Yudina N. Between Manezhnaya and Bolotnaya: Xenophobia and radical nationalism and opposition to them in 2011 in Russia.

[40] Previously, another sentence was passed against members of the same group, also with application of Art. 282 ¹ UK.

[41] For more information about the "Strike of the Russian Gods" see: In the Federal List extremist materials are now three "Strike of the Russian Gods" // SOVA Center. December 23, 2011 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/counteraction/2011/12/d23316/)

[42] We were not able to find all the texts of the articles, but similar texts other articles written by supporters of Cossack autonomy, from our point of view view, does not contain any extremist statements or appeals.

[43] K. Krylov October 22, 2011 on Bolotnaya Square at the rally "Enough feed the Caucasus!" spoke extremely negatively about the "Caucasians", he indiscriminately accused them in that they kill Russians and corrupt the police. For this speech Krylov was brought under Art. 282 of the Criminal Code, which we consider unlawful, since it is not is a sufficient basis for criminal prosecution.

[44] The newspaper "In Their Own Names" is the successor to the newspaper "To the Barrier", closed in April 2011. In turn, "To the Barrier" was the successor to the newspaper "Duel" also closed after years of litigation. Formerly "His names" received warnings from Roskomnadzor for publishing the article "Kremlin pushes the people to revolution" in No. 11 (29) of March 15, 2011 and for publications materials "What to do? Revolution!" in No. 31 (48) of August 2, 2011, "Rat crush the front!" and "The people will win!" in No. 33 (50) of August 16, 2011. Now Roskomnadzor is seeking the closure of the newspaper in court.

Sources

• Alperovich V., Yudina N. Ultra-right - protest and party building // Polit.ru. 2012. March 30.