Spring 2012: Far-right on the streets, law enforcement on the Internet

Edited by Alexander Verkhovsky

Summary

CRIMINAL MANIFESTATIONS OF RACISM AND XENOPHOBIA : Violence : Vandalism

PUBLIC ACTIVITIES OF THE ULTRA RIGHT : Rallies and other public actions : Party building : Other activities of far right groups

COUNTERING XENOPHOBIA AND RADICAL NATIONALISM : Criminal prosecution for violence : Criminal prosecution for vandalism : Criminal prosecution for propaganda : Federal List of Extremist Materials : Designation of organizations as extremist : Other administrative measures

APPLICATION. STATISTICS OF CRIMES AND PUNISHMENTS (in word format)

Summary

The beginning of 2012 was marked by a boom party building, caused by a change in the law on parties. Ministry of Justice registered many organizing committees of potential parties, including parties with one or another nationalist bias. At the same time, the main and probably the most promising associations of nationalists were not in such a hurry to Ministry of Justice, gathering regional organizations. But by the end of spring, almost all of them also created the necessary organizing committees.

In general, the process of party building is not strongly influenced the strategy and tactics of far-right organizations. Main efforts, as before, were concentrated on participation in high-profile public actions, first of all - general opposition ones.

Participation of the far right in the general opposition movement, including large rallies and marches, and the actions of "Occupy", was noticeable, although their the real role in directing these actions tended to zero.

Moreover, most autonomous right-wing radicals do not take any part in the protest movement, considering themselves unacceptable any contacts with liberals and leftists. Thanks to this, the share nationalists in the total mass of protesters remains low. However, the leaders nationalist organizations continue to use protest actions as platforms for self-presentation and set the task of intercepting other oppositionists initiatives, and preferably also key roles in protest management.

Nationalists are still perceived most of the real organizers and a significant part of the participants as legitimate part of the protest movement, even though they are not embarrassed to use violence against partners in opposition actions. IN In general, it is political opponents, and not certain ethnic minorities, became, according to our observations, the main groups of victims of attacks by the far right of this spring.

The shift in the focus of aggression did not change the overall the level of criminal activity of the ultra-right compared to previous periods. Attacks on "ethnic outsiders", despite some quantitative decline, also did not stop.

For the first time since 2009, declared itself an organized group of an ethnic minority, the Kyrgyz gang "Patriot", became famous after the appearance on the Internet of videos where members of the gang bully their compatriots for meeting young people “not the same nationality."

As far as law enforcement practice is concerned, it appears that law enforcement officials focused on countering propaganda. Prosecution for racist violence during this period was hardly noticeable. It is possible to note only the verdict of the members neo-Nazi group "Autonomous Combat Terrorist Organization" (ABTO). But there were more sentences for propaganda than in the entire period since the spring of 2011, and the convicted were mainly authors of various kinds xenophobic remarks and republications in social networks and forums, i.e. the people who committed the acts are clearly of little danger. However, legal quality persecution for these acts has improved markedly: the number of probationers decreased, and those sentenced to more effective measures not related to deprivation freedoms have increased.

Federal list of extremist Materials” continued to be actively and chaotically replenished. Materials added from the same number of various errors as before, and the meaninglessness of existence of this monstrous instrument is becoming more and more evident. Clearly in due to the growth of the Federal List, the “fight against extremism” is activated in Internet: during the spring, the number of submissions to providers with the requirement to block access to "inappropriate" sites. The degree of legitimacy of these requirements are very different, the effectiveness of their implementation is also different.

It would be more useful to try Prosecutor's offices actively fight against swastikas and related inscriptions on houses and fences. Prosecutors issue multiple warnings to workers utilities, encouraging them to fulfill their responsibility to remove such graffiti.

In general, it can be said that while political organizations of the nationalists in every possible way strive to use "protest wave", ultra-nationalist militants lag behind development events. Law enforcement agencies, in a situation of activation of the opposition, apparently, began to consider propaganda as a priority goal compared to racist violence, a trend that is alarming. First, the level of violence, of course, decreased, but not so much that the state could ease the pressure on violent groups. Secondly, today's methods of countering racist propaganda should be recognized as at least ineffective.

Criminal manifestations

racism and xenophobia

Violence

In the spring of 2012 from racist attacks at least 44 people were injured, of which two people died. This data is actually similar to the statistics for the winter of 2011–2012: 35 beaten, 4 killed. Altogether with beginning of 2012, at least 74 people were injured, of which four died [1] . According to today's data from the SOVA center, only for one spring of 2011 73 people were injured, of which five people died. For comparison: for In the first five months of 2011, 94 people were affected, of whom 11 died. However, we cannot say with certainty that a significant decline in racist violence has indeed occurred as the data is replenished with a huge late. For example, in a similar report [2] for In the spring of 2011, we wrote about 34 victims, of which three people died, then there is a known number of victims of attacks over the year have actually increased twice.

Contrary to expectations, the number of attacks in April (15 attacks) did not stand out compared to the previous one (16 attacks in March) and subsequent (13 attacks in May) months. However, it cannot be said that Hitler's birthday on April 20 went unnoticed among right-wing radicals. IN electric trains Moscow - Tver, Moscow - Klin and Moscow - Konakovo neo-Nazis staged a "white wagon" [3] , in Several people were injured as a result.

During the three spring months of 2012, the attacks occurred in 10 regions of Russia (Moscow with the region, St. Petersburg, Novosibirsk, Rostov, Samara, Sverdlovsk and Tula regions, Republic of Bashkortostan and Karelia). The geographical leader remains Moscow (13 victims). St. Petersburg, which previously ranked second (and sometimes the first [4] ), was third in this list (10 victims), losing second place Bashkortostan (11 victims).

As in the previous period [5] , the main a group of victims known to us were representatives of youth and informal groups (20 victims). In this group - anti-fascists and just visitors to anti-fascist events, the May Day Monstration, picketers in protection of "Pussy Riot", and even anime lovers.

The second group (until the winter of 2011–2012, which occupied first place) were the natives of Central Asia (12 victims, of which 1 died). Other groups of victims are natives of the Caucasus (3 victims, of which 1 died), people with unknown to us "non-Slavic appearance" (5 people), Jehovah's Witnesses (3 victims), Russians (2 victims).

Another victim of the far right was LGBT activists whose attacks peaked in May. In particular, in Petersburg on May 17, nationalists attacked participants in the Rainbow Flash Mob action, and then - on buses with guest workers (apparently, from the impossibility of attacking buses with protesters guarded by the police), and in Novosibirsk on May 1 - on LGBT activists who participated in the May Day "Monstration". Some of these attacks were associated with the activation of LGBT activists themselves, protesters against the scandalous law against “propaganda” adopted in early March homosexuality” in St. Petersburg [6] . It is very significant that in Novosibirsk, the police officers on duty at the scene were very loyal to the attackers and practically did not interfere in what was happening, which is not surprising, given the extremely high level of homophobia in Russian society as a whole.

In the spring, we also recorded cases of attacks not for ethnic, but for religious reasons. Thus, on the night of May 29, 2012, a attack on journalist Sergei Aslanyan. According to Life News, the attacker shouted: “ You are the enemy of Allah! ". The reason for this could be the statement of S. Aslanyan on the air of the radio station Mayak May 14, 2012 about the Prophet Muhammad, which some Muslims found offensive [7] . Consequence considers several versions, including the possibility of an attack because of this statements.

For the first time since 2009 (after the Black hawks" [8] ) stated an organized racist ethnic minority group. It's about about the Kyrgyz gang "Patriot". Unlike members of the "Caucasian groups", attacking ethnic strangers, the Kyrgyz "patriots" chose their victims compatriots. Girls were attacked for allegedly met with young people - immigrants from Tajikistan. About this gang became is known from the appearance on the Internet (in March and May 2012) of provocative videos in which young people insult and beat girls, undress them naked in the street, demand that they answer questions while looking at the camera, and gave their names and addresses. One of the injured girls was found in Kyrgyzstan and persuade him to write a statement to law enforcement agencies. IN As a result, a criminal case was initiated, which is planned to be transferred to place of the crime - to Moscow. After that, another victim sent a letter to the Russian police and the Embassy of Kyrgyzstan in Moscow with story about what happened. Details about the composition and other deeds of the gang unknown, but it is significant that the Kyrgyz "patriots" use the same rhetoric that the Russian "patriotic" youth, reproaching Russian girls for "walking" with "non-Russians".

Vandalism

In the spring of 2012, the SOVA Center recorded at least 16 acts of vandalism motivated by hatred or radical nationalist ideological attitudes, in 10 regions countries. Compared to spring 2011 year, vandal activity has slightly decreased: a year ago we noted at least 22 acts of xenophobic vandalism in 14 regions of the country. In total, since the beginning of 2012 in 14 regions of the country there have been at least 24 acts of such vandalism. However, to speak of a significant decrease xenophobic vandalism for this year is still premature: the data, as with violent crimes, far from definitive.

Vandal activity traditionally fell on end of April - beginning of May. Hitler's birthday (April 20) and Victory Day (9 May) were marked by the appearance of numerous neo-Nazi graffiti and stencil portraits of Hitler on the walls of buildings.

Unlike previous years, geographic St. Petersburg became the leader (5 cases), followed by Moscow and Udmurtia (2 each case).

In addition to the traditionally predominant graffiti (9 cases; we note only particularly significant cases of graffiti, and not single swastikas on fences) in spring, vandals broke glass (4 cases) and set several fires (3 case).

In the spring of 2012, at least 6 "ideological" objects. The objects of attacks during the spring months were buildings of Jehovah's Witnesses (5 cases), Orthodox (4 cases) and Jewish objects (1 case).

Far-right public activity

Rallies and other public

stock

The spring period is characterized by almost the same high level of political activity of the ultra-right movement, which was demonstrated last winter. However, if the winter passed almost exclusively under the sign of the actions "For Fair Elections", then in the spring the rally activity far-right was more diverse.

March was the last month when the prevailing during the winter period, the tactics of holding actions remained relevant.

Immediately after the presidential elections in Moscow and in a number of other cities, the final wave of actions "For Fair Elections" was held, which, in comparison with winter ones, have become less massive.

In Moscow, 5 March, more than 10,000 people gathered on Pushkin Square Human. On the square, the ultra-right stood under the "imperial" flags, flags Russian Civil Union (RGS, Anton Susov, Alexander Khramov) and National Democratic Alliance (NDA, Ilya Lazarenko, Alexey Shiropaev). In crowd there were also two Leaders of the Association "Russians" - Alexander Belov and Georgy Borovikov. In general, it can be noted that the share of far-right activists in the square was low. Of the nationalists in front of the assembled Aleksey Navalny, head of the Russian People's Union (RUS) spoke Sergei Baburin and leaders of the Russian social movement (ROD) - Vladimir Tor and Konstantin Krylov. During the speeches of the last speakers (Krylova and Torah), some of those gathered on the square chanted "Fascism will not pass!".

hallmark this rally was not only a small number of participants, but also the fact that it was the first of a series of rallies "For fair elections”, which was eventually dispersed by the police. Despite to a large gathering of law enforcement officers, the far right tried to arrange a separate unauthorized procession to Manezhnaya Square, where this day was held a rally of supporters of Vladimir Putin. Attempt to go directly to Tverskaya Street was almost immediately stopped by the police. And here detour route - along Tverskoy Boulevard and Bolshaya Nikitskaya Street - brought more fruits: the nationalists who shouted right-wing radical slogans, almost managed to achieve its goal. Only on the way to Manezhnaya Square some of them was arrested, and the rest fled. During the procession they beat Correspondent of radio "Echo of Moscow".

Another separate unauthorized action in Dmitry Dyomushkin, the head of the Slavic Force, tried to spend this day, who was going to lay flowers at the CEC building in the Lubyanka metro area. Promotion is active promoted far-right websites and fan forums, but gathered no more than 20 people. As a result, everyone was detained at the exit from the underground transition [9] .

At the next (and last) promotion "For fair elections”, which took place in Moscow on March 10, the nationalists were not allowed to tribune organizers. Approximately 200–300 outraged by this far right, under "Imperial flags" left the rally. D. Demushkin explained this step by the fact that "the liberals leaked the protest." This demarche turned into another procession, this time along the Old Arbat, along which the nationalists passed, chanting nationalist and anti-Caucasian, including obscene, slogans and lighting fires. Subsequently most of it was delayed. [10]

Moscow disagreements between far-right and other oppositionists did not openly appear in other regions, where in the winter period, they managed to develop a more or less stable relationship. bright An example is St. Petersburg, where the proportion of nationalists in the local The Civil Council is very high: in addition to the left and liberal movements include the association of autonomous neo-Nazis "Volnitsa", National Democrats of St. Petersburg Semyon Pikhtelev and Dmitry Sukhorukov (both are also members of the Association "Russians"), the Russian National Union (RONS) Igor Artemov, Russian Party of Nikolai Bondarik, Russian Civil Union (RGS) of Anton Susov, Russian Imperial Movement (RID) of Stanislav Vorobyov and the Russian Public Movement (ROD) of Konstantin Krylov, which in Petersburg is represented by Andrey Kuznetsov.

Due to such high activity nationalists, whose proportion among the protesters from the very beginning of the winter rallies in Petersburg was significantly higher than in Moscow, the far right is much more likely to become co-organizers, and not just participants in rallies and processions and always get the opportunity to speak to the audience.

So, for example, on March 24, the city passed march "For the rights and freedoms of citizens." About 2 thousand people passed from the station metro station "Gorkovskaya" along Kamennoostrovsky prospect; The main slogan of the procession was demand for direct elections of the governor of St. Petersburg. Promotion ended rally on the Champ de Mars. The nationalists moved in a separate column with a poster "Honest elections - nationalists in parliament!". Participated in the action activists of the National Democrats S. Pikhtelev and D. Sukhorukov (the last spoke at the rally). In addition to the nationalists, the action was attended by representatives of The Other Russia, Yabloko, Solidarity, associations of observers, deceived shareholders, etc.

The general action took place in St. Petersburg and March 25. In organizing the Russian Spring rally, in addition to N. Bondarik and his movement "Russians against Putin", was attended by the Civil Council. Promotion took place on Konyushennaya Square and gathered no more than 500 people - activists of the Russian imperial movement, Slavic Force, National Socialist Initiative (NSI) Dmitry Bobrov, organization "TIGR" Alexander Rastorguev, Levy front, the Civil Council, etc. Sergei Baburin (ROS), Nikolai Kuryanovich, N. Bondarik (Russian Party) and others. After the end of the rally about 10 people, including Olga Kurnosova (United Civil Front Garry Kasparova) and N. Bondarik, were detained when they tried to arrange procession to Nevsky Prospekt.

After the completion of the electoral cycle and the victory V. Putin in the presidential elections for the opposition in general and nationalists in In particular, it became obvious that to achieve re-elections to the Duma or to the post They will not succeed in the presidency and the slogan "For Fair Elections" has lost its former relevance. There was a need to search for new unifying slogans and ideas. The end of March and the whole of April passed in search (for example, in the shares in St. Petersburg on March 24, such a slogan should have been a demand return of elective governors), but without much success, and no there were no particularly large shares during this time.

The far right devoted the end of April to preparations for traditional "Russian May Day". This time, right-wing radicals tried to make their march not as a traditional nationalist "cabal", but as a large general opposition action, to which, at the end of March, D. Dyomushkin invited "colleagues" from the Civil Council. As a result, it was possible to achieve that the action, which was organized by the Association "Russians" and other traditional participants "Russian Marches", was advertised not only on the right-wing Internet resources, but also on the websites of other, not nationalist, movements, but The Civil Council positioned it as one of the opposition events, along with the previous actions "For Fair Elections". Wanting to fit declared status, the organizers even changed the traditional name of the action, which this year was called "Civil march."

Such a desire to cooperate with others oppositionists tried to use the organizers for their own purposes alternative "Russian marches", which are traditionally called the "Imperial march." During the preparation of the Moscow action, the Russovet coalition, the Right League and the movements that joined them focused on anti-liberal slogans and the inadmissibility of cooperation between nationalists and ideological enemies. By apparently, this was done in the hope of gaining the favor of autonomous neo-Nazis, who for the most part fully share this position. Except in order to provide a more attractive than competitors, route, the organizers decided not to coordinate their action separately, but join the march of left-wing organizations already approved by the city authorities from Kaluga to Theater Square.

However, all efforts were in vain - and on the march was attended by about 50 people, that is, even less than a year earlier, when managed to gather about 60 activists. The alternative procession was visited by: organizations, members of the Russovet coalition (Russian DPNI, National Power Party Russia (NDPR), "Russian National Socialism" (RNS), the "Russian Case" movement, organization "Civil Disobedience")), Right League, Cathedral of the Russian People, People's Patriotic Union of Russia, Eurasian Youth Union, one of the branches Orthodox banner bearers. The participation of activists of the "Russian image" was expected, whom a year ago D. Demushkin tried to expel from the main May Day processions of nationalists, as well as supporters of the People's Cathedral. However, the increase in the number which was expected in connection with the participation of these organizations did not happen: from the RO only Yevgeny Valyaev was present, and the activists of the People's Cathedral generally ignored event.

The traditional procession of nationalists, which was held by the Russian Association and took place a few hours later "alternative" was also difficult to call successful. The share was planned gather 5 thousand people, but in the end even fewer activists came to it than a year earlier - about 500 people compared to 600 in 2011. It didn't follow the expected increase in mass character at the expense of other oppositionists, who, in fact, ignored the invitation of the nationalists: the only column representing "Civil Movement" (led by Maxim Brusilovsky, leader of the "Movement HOA"), turned out to be the smallest - about 30 people, and it included mainly representatives of organizations close to the nationalists, namely the Cathedral of the Russian people and the "Army of the Will of the People" (AVN) Yuri Mukhin.

As a result, traditional participants marched May Day processions: Association "Russians", ROD, Union of Orthodox gonfalon bearers, as well as activists of Andrey Savelyev’s party “Great Russia” and autonomous neo-Nazis. Thus, the composition of the traditional procession is slightly changed: supporters of Mukhin and Savelyev were added, but were absent supporters of Vladimir Kvachkov ("People's Militia named after Minin and Pozharsky") and Svetlana Peunova (Will party).

The action was announced as a general opposition and the emphasis was to be placed on the civil and political rights of citizens Indeed, Russia had enough anti-government slogans. But the format nevertheless, it was not observed: the nationalists went under the traditional for them xenophobic slogans, and many threw up their hands in a Nazi salute [11] .

In most other cities where it was celebrated "Russian May Day", the nationalists managed to collect as much or even more activists, how many attended such actions on average in recent years. The geography of the march has also expanded: in several cities, the action has never been seen before. was carried out. A striking example is Yekaterinburg, where "Russian May Day" was held for the first time and gathered about 500 people. Previously, there was only traditional autumn "Russian March", in the last of which, in 2011, about 200 people participated. It should be noted that this time the organization actions were engaged in the newly formed party of Valery Soloviev "New Force", which positions itself as a moderate national democratic movement. However this did not prevent the audience from chanting xenophobic slogans and raising their hands in a Nazi salute in response to a similar gesture by the leader of the procession Maxim Vakhromov finished his speech [12] .

In general, it can be noted that the explicit lack of progress on the Moscow May Day, and the success of regional actions during We owe a lot to the numerous winter and spring rallies "For Fair Elections".

In Moscow, these rallies to the nationalists, in this case, did a disservice: the autonomous ultra-right initially sharply reacted negatively to the initiative to hold joint actions with liberals, and therefore, the idea of ​​making the traditional nationalist procession another The "general" action could not please them. Probably, disappointment with public actions as a way of putting pressure on the state, and increasingly from yesterday's visitors rallies, one could hear that a violent seizure of power was needed. As a result, and the already not very popular spring action did not collect and last year's number of participants.

In other regions where political the activity of society was initially extremely low, rallies "For Fair Elections" promoted relations between large nationalist organizations and other oppositionists on the one hand, and small, scattered local right-wing organizations, on the other sides.

The next major general opposition action became the "March of Millions", which took place in Moscow on May 6, the day before the inauguration of V. Putin. The nationalists, in fact, ignored this action: more or less only supporters of the "Great Russia" A. Savelyev came to it en masse, and even those they left pretty quickly. Their column, numbering about 100 people, having passed through the frames of metal detectors, lined up on Yakimanka in the opposite direction general movement, shouted anti-liberal and nationalist slogans and She left the procession in an organized manner, chanting “We are not on the same path with the liberals!”.

In addition to "Great Russia", participated in the action and a RGS column (about 30 people in total) with flags and a banner “Russians choose freedom." Symbols of the Common Cause movement and several imperial flags of different sizes. In addition, the march was attended by some obviously small, the number of right-wing radical activists who do not were built (or were present in them only temporarily) and did not carry flags, but then took part in clashes with the riot police [13] .

Nationalists, like some others radicals, clearly did not expect that the march on May 6 to Bolotnaya would receive such a high public response. The leaders of the “Russians” Association made a bet on this day for its separate action, which was to be held on Manezhnaya Square. They are clearly hoped that an attempt to break through near the Kremlin - especially given the fact that paratroopers and veterans of law enforcement agencies promised to come to the action (but did not come) - will bring more political dividends and attract more attention than another peaceful procession. However, it turned out the other way around: clashes between activists and police on the "March of Millions" became a big event, but Belov, Demushkin and About 70 activists were escorted from the Teatralnaya metro station to the Square Revolutions, but the action could not be held: some people were detained almost immediately law enforcement, and the rest dispersed. In clashes on Bolotnaya square nationalists also played a minor role.

After the "March of Millions" and the appearance of amendments, tightening the legislation on rallies, the already fading opposition activity was given a new impetus - and the Moscow ultra-right again paid close attention attention to general opposition actions. A good opportunity to become legitimate and the “Occupy” actions turned out to be a permanent participant in the general protest, that is, nomadic informal gatherings of opposition activists (and anyone else) in different points of the city.

Nationalists actively advertised these actions, trying to attract more activists of public organizations and autonomous neo-Nazis, recorded interviews, video messages, published letters with calls to join opposition actions and condemnation of those who stay at home Internet Fighters. May 10, 11, 12, 13 and 14 to the Occupy camp at Chistye Prudy representatives of the association "Russians", ROD and CSG came, including A. Belov, V. Tor, K. Krylov and A. Khramov. The latter presented at Chistye Prudy the Catechism National Democrat" and a new collection of the journal "Questions of Nationalism". After After the camp moved to Kudrinskaya Square, these visits continued: oppositionists came A. Belov, G. Borovikov, Anton Severny (“Russians”, practically was constantly in the camp), A. Saveliev.

In a way, their efforts paid off. success. If at the very beginning the ultra-right were represented mainly scattered activists from different cities (Moscow, Arkhangelsk, Murmansk, Pyatigorsk, Ulyanovsk (Ilya Sotnikov and members of his organization) and Ufa), then over time, they were replaced by supporters of large ultra-right organizations, primarily turn - from the association "Russians". Gradually, young people with "imperial" ribbons took over the protection of the camp, completely crowding out the others oppositionists, and then tried to repeat the same with the management of the kitchen and even fundraising for the camp. As a result, in fact, a separate structure - the "camps team", which was actively supported by the Association "Russians". It even tried to organize a targeted collection of money for functioning of this "team".

This situation quickly ceased. suit other oppositionists. The ultra-right began to be accused of aggression against attitude towards other oppositionists, in unsatisfactory work in the kitchen and even in theft and embezzlement of money from the general cash register. Several steps were taken in the camp. attempts to ban the propaganda of nationalist ideology and generally discuss the fact of the presence of nationalists and their status in the camp. For example, May 18 this it was decided to put the issue to a vote at the "assembly" (the governing body camp, working by "direct democracy"; in order for one or the other the initiative was approved, it needs ¾ of the votes of those present). However, about The initiative became known in advance, and the far right took preventive measures: increased the number of activists and eventually disrupted the vote on this question, shouting slogans at the "assembly", putting forward obviously impassable counter proposals (for example, to ban the propaganda of liberalism), etc. Eventually, nationalists remained in the camp, but the current situation became even more irritate the autonomous neo-Nazis, who saw it as a capitulation to "liberals".

party building

This spring, the far right continued create and develop their own parties, or rather, their organizing committees, which, like mushrooms after the rain, began to appear after D. Medvedev introduced on December 23, 2011 a draft law, simplifying the registration of parties.

A number of organizing committees, including groups of the National Democratic persuasion, groups of radical nationalists, monarchists and Cossacks, as well as near-nationalist parties representing very original ideological views, have already applied for registration with the Ministry of Justice [14] . These groups have a very diverse membership base and profess a variety of options for attitudes towards the current government, so predict their future development is difficult. But the return to public activity of a number of old nationalist organizations (for example, supporters of the Dead Water concept) and the emergence of a number of new ones has not yet affected the situation in the nationalist movement, since it is not yet clear whether numerous organizing committees to recruit the number of regional branches.

Accordingly, there has been some activation the work of ultra-right organizations in the regions. However, while especially new regional branches did not have time to prove themselves. Perhaps the only An exception may be the high-profile May Day rally of the New Force in Yekaterinburg.

Gradually began the process of dialogue between the capital ultra-right organizations with regional right-wing radical movements about association within the framework of party building. But for the spring, none more or less a well-known regional organization has not announced its affiliation with any Moscow nationalist party.

The party building process also prompted some nationalist organizations are better off prescribing their programs and outline a strategy for fighting for the sympathy of supporters and future voters.

For example, on March 24 in Moscow founding conference of the National Democratic Party (NDP) by Konstantin Krylov, which is being created on the basis of the ROD K. Krylov and the RGS A. Susov. Participated in it the expected circle of publicists (published in the Political News Agency (APN) and the journal "Questions of Nationalism") and activists of the national democratic orientations: K. Krylov, V. Tor, A. Susov, A. Khramov, Rostislav Antonov (ROD-Siberia), Egor Kholmogorov, Mikhail Remizov (former editor-in-chief of APN, and now president of the Institute national strategy), Pavel Svyatenkov, Oleg Nemensky and Sergey Sergeev. conference also visited by Vladimir Milov (Democratic Choice) and Vladimir Ermolaev (Association "Russians"). K. Krylov became the chairman of the organizing committee for the creation of the party, and his deputy - A. Susov. V. Tor headed the executive committee, and E. Kholmogorov was appointed an authorized person of the organizing committee of the party for relations with the Ministry of Justice. The nationalists expressed their hope for the appearance of Alexei Navalny in the ranks of the party.

A manifesto was presented at the conference new party [15] . IN In it, the authors once again speak of its national-democratic character, declare adherence to basic democratic and liberal values, such as elective power, separation of powers, freedom of speech and assembly, observance of human rights. Ethno-nationalism in the manifesto is weakly expressed and "hides" behind the statement about the need for self-determination of the Russian people as the main force capable of “reviving the country”, and anti-migrant sentiment and the demand for a sharp restriction of the migration flow is covered by the standard for far-right speculation about the deteriorating crime situation and the growth social tension. In addition, the party demands the expansion of social guarantees of the state, investigation of cases on the privatization of large state property in the early 90s, granting citizenship to all "Russians" living beyond outside of Russia, etc. Thus, the way to compose the manifest answers task that the leaders of the party have clearly set themselves, namely to become nationalists of the European type, which can be supported and not xenophobic tuned majority of Russian society.

The main program theses of the next competitor of the NDP, Valery Soloviev's New Force party, were published in second half of May.

New Force, like the NDP, speaks of commitment to democracy and the need to respect human rights. Ethnocentrism is also veiled here in theses about the restoration of supposedly the now infringed rights of the Russian population of Russia. In addition, V. Solovey proposes to expand the functions of the president and make him not only the head state, but also the head of government. At the same time, in order to balance the emerging imbalance between the executive and legislative branches of government, powers parliament is also proposed to be expanded, simplifying the procedure for the impeachment of the head state and adding new functions to the chambers of the Federal Assembly. This system very much resembles a classic presidential republic modeled on the United States, but it is not clear why V. Nightingale believes that she will be better protected from growing into a personal dictatorship than the model that exists today.

The migration policy proposed by V. Nightingale, is very tough and actually blocks the possibility of moving to Russia for everyone, who is not ethnically Russian. Extremely alarming and the proposed reforming deportation centers for labor migrants: “... everyone subject to deportation will be be placed in temporary migration and labor centers and within six months will be employed at facilities of social significance (construction of facilities infrastructure, social housing, etc.). Everyone will be given a salary payment (from which will be deducted the amount of economic losses caused by Russia during their illegal stay in the country, as well as the cost of payment deportations). Their regime of stay on the territory of Russia will be organized according to the principle of "work-dormitory-work" and be under strict control law enforcement agencies" [16] .

Just like the NDP, New Force proposes significantly expand the social obligations of the state and finance them, obliging big business to pay " compensatory tax " for the "unfair" privatization of Soviet enterprises and industrial complexes [17] .

The creation of his party in the spring announced and Association "Russians". April 20 in Belarus (the city of Glubokoe, Vitebsk region) a congress of the organization was held, at which the chairman of the organizing committee of the party was Dmitry Demushkin was elected. The congress was also attended by A. Belov, G. Borovikov, D. Bobrov. It is assumed that the new party will be called simply the Party nationalists, and the imperial flag will become its emblem. The choice of Belarus as the location of the congress was explained by fears that the Russian authorities would try to disrupt the convention. The neutral name of the party and the chosen symbols show that The “Russians” continued their course towards creating the most inclusive organization, hoping attract nationalists of all stripes. The hopes of the future party are connected with the fact that that it includes ideologically diverse organizations: The national socialist initiative of D. Bobrov is designed to attract the most radical part of the ultra-right spectrum, the Russian Imperial Movement of S. Vorobyov - nationalists with an Orthodox-imperial bias and monarchists, and National Democrats S. Pikhteleva and D. Sukhorukov will compete with the NDP and the New force" for the sympathies of moderate nationalists.

Like other metropolitan proto-parties, the "Russians" organize regional trips of their leaders, but with their radical specifics. On the afternoon of March 24, a press conference was held in Syktyvkar with the participation of Alexei Kolegov, the leader of the "Frontier of the North" movement, and D. Demushkin, and in the evening D. Demushkin held a master class in knife fighting. At the press conference A. Kolegov did not ruled out that the activists of his organization would join the party created on the basis of the association "Russians".

So far, it can be noted that the "Russians" (and "New Force") are quite significantly behind Krylov's project in terms of the activity of regional branches, but the "motley" composition of the "Russian" coalition gives them more chances of attracting regional organizations than have more "narrowly focused" parts of K. Krylov and V. Soloviev. However, the prospects for creating parties depend, of course, also on who and to what extent hinder power.

The process of party building has intensified personnel shortage and competition for supporters between ultra-right organizations. Representatives of certain movements can now be increasingly found in competing structures. Moreover, if the transition of some activists to others organization looks logical, then in some cases ideological preferences newly acquired party members run counter to its declared ideological platform.

So, for example, the transition of Dmitry Feoktistov from the CSG to the "New Force" is a change of one national-democratic structure to another, which for some reason seemed to him more attractive. A here is the fact that Stanislav Vorobyov, a supporter of the Orthodox-imperial ideology (RID) and neo-Nazi D. Bobrov (NSI), having retained their posts in the Russian Association, received (and accepted) an invitation to join the same "New Force", once again casts doubt on the national-democratic character of his party.

Apparently, many of those who leave in the "New Force" or combine membership in it with positions in other organizations, quite highly assess the chances of the party of V. Soloviev to get registered and doubt the possibility of official registration of their original movements.

Separately, it is worth noting the atypical position party "Great Russia" Andrey Savelyev, which stated that it does not intend to apply for registration, because he considers it wrong for something refer to an existing state. Recall the party back in 2007 applied for registration and was denied. Having passed all Russian courts, "Great Russia" appealed to the European Court of Human Rights person. As A. Savelyev stated, he expects the ECtHR to stand on his party and recognizes the refusal to register the party as illegal - thus "Great Russia" and plans to legalize its organization without while addressing the Ministry of Justice [18] .

In general, it can be said that the A. Saveliev, which has been practically invisible in recent years, for the winter-spring of 2012 years has become much more active. Quite consistently the party is oriented on autonomous neo-Nazis, even in the external image cultivates provocative fascist motives, does not allow contacts with representatives of non-nationalist movements in order to not cause discontent among potential supporters in the neo-Nazi environment. But despite to this, the party still does not enjoy much support in this environment, where have a negative attitude towards Savelyev's deputy past, considering him to have sold out To the Kremlin as a politician, just like Dmitry Rogozin.

A similar attitude is preserved in the extreme neo-Nazis and to other ultra-right organizations - the Russian Union, ROD and etc., which, unlike A. Savelyev, have not finally decided, who are they going to target: autonomous neo-Nazis or xenophobic most ordinary citizens. As a result, these organizations remain unattractive for both.

Other activities of far-right groups

In addition to participating in protests and building of their parties, the ultra-right continued to engage in social actions, issues that are relevant to the area.

So, on April 8 in Perm, the local branch "Slavic Force" with the support of activists of the "City Without Drugs" Foundation and local Cossacks held an anti-drug rally in the city. The shares took participation of more than 150 people.

ROD-Siberia continued this spring cooperation with local ecologists, with whom joint action "For clean air of Siberia". In addition, regular raids by the organization continued. "Civil Patrol", created by the head of ROD-Siberia R. Antonov, in searching for expired products in stores. This activity has become in Novosibirsk quite noticeable, which allowed the "Civil Patrol" to carry out in April press conference, inviting officials of Rospotrebnadzor and the Ministry industry and trade, as well as representatives of those supermarkets where outdated product found.

The idea of ​​"Civil Patrol" was picked up and smaller far-right groups. So, for example, the organization "Sober Don" (Rostov-on-Don), which previously conducted anti-alcohol and anti-tobacco campaigns, now intends to organize raids on shops in order to arrange “control purchases” and identify those stores that sell alcohol or tobacco to children.

The movement has resumed its activity "Resistance", almost imperceptible since last summer. Activists are back organize subbotniks and various events promoting a healthy lifestyle. As has been repeatedly said, such actions allow the far right acquire a positive image and build relationships with local officials and police.

Separately, we note that not all social Nationalist actions are peaceful. So, this spring there was a whole series far-right groups that position themselves as pedophile hunters. They create social media accounts on behalf of minors and arrange a meeting with adult men. To such a rendezvous from nationalists come at once several people and "communicate" with men, then they are beaten and intimidated, while filming it all on camera. This initiative actively support various ultra-right resources, and recently picked up and widely Maksim (Tesak) Martsinkevich, a neo-Nazi known in far-right circles.

As long as social shares remain mostly the prerogative of small regional right-wing radical groups, which, unlike metropolitan ultra-right, focused on local residents, and not on participation in big politics. In the event that the major nationalist parties registered, the number of social shares, apparently, will begin to grow as how the parties will be included in the struggle for the votes of local voters.

Countering xenophobia and

radical nationalism

Criminal prosecution for

violence

As in winter, in the spring, criminal prosecution for xenophobic violence was not active. We are aware of two indictments sentences [19] . 12 people were convicted in these trials. in Moscow and Irkutsk. In total, in 2012, 7 indictments were issued. convictions in cases of racist violence, in which 23 people were convicted.

The racist nature of the crimes was qualified under paragraph "l" Part 2 Art. 105 of the Criminal Code (“The murder of two or more persons committed by a group of persons according to political, ideological, racial, national or religious motive hatred") and paragraph "b" part 2 of Art. 115 of the Criminal Code (“Infliction of slight bodily harm on motive of national hatred). Only in one verdict (in the ABTO case [20] , see below) featured Art. 282 (“Inciting national hatred”) and part 1 of Art. 280 of the Criminal Code (“Public calls for extremist activity”), imputed for separate propaganda acts .

The penalties were distributed as follows:

• 1 person was sentenced conditionally, without additional punishment;
• 1 person sentenced to life imprisonment;
• 1 person - to imprisonment for 22 years;
• 3 people - to imprisonment for a period of 10 to 15 years;
• 5 people - from 5 to 10 years;
• 1 person - for 5 years;
• 1 person released from punishment "in connection with the reconciliation parties."

The bulk of the convicts are members of the neo-Nazi groups "Autonomous combat terrorist organization" (ABTO), which accused of committing a series of arsons and explosions in Moscow. Majority members gang was sentenced to terms of imprisonment from 5 to 13 years in prison. It is noteworthy that in this verdict, the court decided to recover from the convicts about 1.5 million rubles as compensation for the material damage they caused. Reports of such measures are rare, although, in our opinion, victims have full right to serious compensation. Second sentence for violence passed brothers Artem and Ruslan Vokin for racist motivated murders of natives Central Asia (the so-called Operation Patrol) and policemen in Irkutsk.

In addition to the above, two more verdicts were handed down in the spring. in cases of violence perpetrated by the far right. The first is the verdict on Nazi skinheads in Omsk in the case of the murder of a 24-year-old "comrade-in-arms" on the birthday of A. Hitler April 20, 2011 for "betrayal and cooperation" with law enforcement. The second is judgment Yuri Tikhomirov in Moscow on the case of the murder of anti-fascist Ilya Dzhaparidze in the summer 2009.

The case of the murder of an anti-fascist took place in an extremely tense environment, closed. Relatives of the deceased received repeated calls from threats. Initially, Tikhomirov was charged under par. "g" and "l" part 2 Art. 105 of the Criminal Code (“Murder committed by a group of persons by prior agreement on motive of hatred and hostility towards any social group" [21] ), but later the case was reclassified to Part 4 of Art. 111 of the Criminal Code ("Infliction of grave bodily injury, resulting in the death of the victim") [22] . accomplices the murders have not been found so far. And one of them, Maxim Baklagin, wielding a knife, was detained in this case, but released, after which he immediately he fled from the investigation. Sentence - 10 years in a strict regime colony - not satisfied neither the defense nor the prosecution; Both parties appealed the court's decision.

In the spring, the first verdict was handed down in the case of the “Narodny militia named after Minin and Pozharsky "(NOMP). Movement leader Vladimir Kvachkov accused of preparing an armed rebellion and involving people in a terrorist activities and has been in custody since December 23, 2010. And in July 2011, in Yekaterinburg, the Federal Security Service detained a supporter of NOMP, paratrooper, reserve colonel Leonid Khabarov (born 1947) together with several associates. During the searches, ammunition was seized from them, explosives, weapons. A former employee was also involved in the Khabarov case Criminal Investigation Department Vladislav (Termite) Ladeyshchikov. In May, the Sverdlovsk Regional the court sentenced him under Part 1 of Art. 30 st. 279 ("Preparation for an armed rebellion") and Art. 205.1 of the Criminal Code (“Involving people in terrorist activities”) by 6 years conditional imprisonment. Such a lenient punishment is due to the fact that the defendant He made a deal with the investigation and was the only one who fully admitted his guilt.

Criminal prosecution for

vandalism

In the spring of 2012 (and in general in 2012) for xenophobic vandalism resulted in at least two convictions against two people in Orenburg Region and Khabarovsk Territory. In the spring of last year, it was rendered exactly the same number of sentences. In both cases, part 2 of Art. 214 UK (“Vandalism motivated by national or religious hatred”). IN in one case, the defendant received a year and a half suspended sentence, in the other - one year restrictions on freedom with the requirement to continue vocational training. Such punishments for drawing xenophobic graffiti seem quite adequate to us perfect deeds.

Criminal prosecution for

propaganda

If the number of sentences for violence decreases, then the number of convictions for xenophobic propaganda is growing rapidly. spring 2012, there were at least 21 convictions for xenophobic propaganda in relation to 23 people. Sentences were handed down in 19 regions of Russia (Moscow, Petersburg, Arkhangelsk, Kemerovo, Kursk, Murmansk, Novgorod, Ryazan, Saratov and Tyumen regions, the Republic of Khakassia and Udmurt Republic, Trans-Baikal Territory). Since the beginning of 2012 in 12 regions Russia received at least 33 such sentences, which resulted in the conviction of 42 person.

As usual, in the main (in 20 out of 21 sentences) part 1 st. 282 of the Criminal Code; in 16 cases it was applied alone, in three cases it adjacent to st. 280 of the Criminal Code, and in one sentence Art. 280 together from Art. 214: in Khabarovsk - for anti-Semitic and obscene inscriptions on the image of Albert Einstein on the wall of the building of the Mathematical Lyceum.

In addition, the already mentioned verdict was included in the statistics. neo-Nazis from the Autonomous Combat Terrorist Organization group (ABTO), which in the verdict, in addition to other articles, there were also Part 1 of Art. 282, and Part 1 Art. 280 of the Criminal Code.

Judgments for propaganda were distributed as follows way:

• 2 people were sentenced to imprisonment;
• 1 - convicted conditionally without any additional sanctions;
• 7 - sentenced to various fines;
• 8 - to compulsory work;
• 3 - to correctional labor;
• 2 - released from punishment due to the expiration of the term prescription.

As can be seen from the above data, the proportion of those sentenced to probation dropped significantly. As far as we know, for the spring months, the conditional only one person was punished for propaganda (already mentioned anti-Semitic vandal in Khabarovsk). And this share is significantly less than in the previous periods (5 out of 22 people - for the winter, 8 out of 19 - for the autumn of 2011). Most others punishment was more effective (mandatory and educational work, fines). And these punishments seem to us much more adequate measures for comments on Internet forums and xenophobic graffiti on fences.

As far as sentences related to deprivation of liberty are concerned, there were two of them. The term was given to the bombers from the ABTO, who have articles for propaganda were clearly not the main ones, and the editor-in-chief of the newspaper "Cossack look" Alexander Dzikovitsky, who received xenophobic articles 1 year colony-settlement. The prosecutor's office of the Kaluga region demanded for A. Dzikovitsky also ban on journalism. However, this measure was not applied, which we think is wrong. After all, for propagandists, disseminating xenophobic ideas in public (and this is just such a case), a ban to the profession would be the most appropriate punishment.

In addition to ataman Dzikovitsky, in the spring in sight law enforcement agencies did not get any serious propagandist. Sentences were issued for the same not too dangerous acts as in previous periods, then there are comments on forums, xenophobic graffiti on buildings. And objects attention was given to young Internet bloggers, graffiti artists, ordinary leaflet distributors and even pensioners who made xenophobic outcries in in the course of neighborhood disputes.

federal list

extremist materials

In the spring, the "Federal List of Extremist Materials" replenished 18 times, paragraphs were added to it. 1082–1198.

Topically added to the list:

• xenophobic materials of Russian ethno-nationalists of various kind, among which the anti-Semitic "Appeal to the Russian people, to the officers army and navy, to the Cossacks, to the Russian youth and the Orthodox clergy" calls for the murder of "proteges world Jewish backstage”, listed by name [23] , video "Skins cut chocks" [24] , an old message from BORN with threats and a photograph of the severed head of a guest worker [25] , book Nikola Koroleva "Skinhead Bible", songs groups "Cyclone B" and "Kolovrat" and others;
• materials of Bashkir ethno-nationalists;
• materials of Ukrainian nationalists and modern Ukrainian historians in Ukrainian;
• articles by the Stalinist Yuri Mukhin from the newspaper To the Barrier;
• historical materials, this time - the memoirs of the Waffen-SS commander Kurt Mayer;
• material from Islamist militants, including from http://hunafa.com;
• materials of "unofficial currents" of Muslims, including books by Said Nursi, materials of the Hizb ut-Tahrir organization;
• materials of Scientologists (again - books by Ron Hubbard);
• article by radical democrat Boris Stomakhin [26] "Death of Russia", published on the Free Radicals website.

None of the list problems that we have repeatedly written about previously, has not yet been resolved. Materials are still difficult to identify, so as they are described with bibliographical and grammatical errors [27] . IN the list still contains repetitions caused by parallel court decisions (39 points). Materials already existing there are added to the list, but with other outputs data or, in the case of the Internet, published on other websites. The list is growing regularly and, at the time of writing, it amounted to 1254 points.

And, as always, some materials are prohibited without due legal grounds. These are also in the spring additions to the list, in particular, these are the books of Said Nursi or Ron Hubbard, quite respectable academic studies of Ukrainian historians, etc.

Recognition of organizations

extremist

In the spring, the process of recognizing the ban intensified again organizations as extremist. In May, the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation recognized as such international neo-Nazi association "Blood and Honor" ("Blood & Honor") and banned its activities in Russia.

Of course, a frankly Hitlerist organization, the name which comes from the slogan of the Hitler Youth "Blut und Ehre", leading an active and radical propaganda of hatred could have been banned earlier, because in Moscow it has existed since autumn 1995 [28] , one of its sites in April 2010 in Lipetsk was already recognized as extremist, and the "combat wing" of the organization "Combat 18" directly practiced street violence. TO In addition, this movement is already banned in Germany and Spain and could not register in the Czech Republic. Although the decision to ban is somewhat belatedly, we can only welcome the intention of the state authorities fight neo-Nazi organizations, including in this way.

The court decision has not yet entered into force, and the Federal List extremist organizations”, published on the official website of the Ministry of of Justice of the Russian Federation and consisting of 28 points, the organization has not yet been included.

Other administrative measures

In the spring of 2012, the Federal Service for Supervision of communications, information technology and mass communications (Roskomnadzor) announced the issuance of at least 5 anti-extremist warnings to editorial offices MASS MEDIA. Of these warnings, we consider at least two unlawful: information agency "AmurMedia" for mentioning information about the NBP on the Internet without indicating that its activities banned, and the editors of the newspaper "Rush Hour in Verkhnyaya Pyshma" for an article about the problems of interaction between residents one of the streets of the city with gypsies living next door. In another case, we doubt the legitimacy of the decision - Editorial staff of the newspaper "Second Cossack outpost" for the publication of a number of articles. This ratio (about half illegal and/or doubtful of the total number of warnings) remains practically unchanged for the work of the department since the spring of 2011 (say, in the spring 2011, we wrote about three false warnings, one dubious and two lawful).

The warnings of the editorial board to the newspaper "In Their Own Names" for the publication of the article were clearly justified. A. Sivova "View from Ukraine" for February 7, 2012, which calls bring political activity to desire to take up arms”, etc., and to the Kolokol newspaper for publishing Colonel Kvachkov’s appeal to All-Russian Officers' Assembly with calls for a military-political operation on the change of government.

Administrative prosecution under various articles of the Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation in the spring was quite active. We are aware of at least six legitimate sentences under Art. 20.29 of the Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation (“Mass distribution extremist materials included in the published federal list extremist materials") and seven - under Art. 20.3 of the Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation (“Propaganda and public demonstration of Nazi paraphernalia or symbols"), in Moscow, Volgograd, Kostroma, Perm, Saratov, Sakhalin, Tula, Chelyabinsk regions, Primorsky Krai and North Ossetia-Alania [29] . In addition, in the Komi Republic, administrative responsibility under Art. 5.35 Code of Administrative Offenses of the Russian Federation (“Improper performance by parents of minor obligations for upbringing and education of minors”), the mother of a 15-year-old a schoolboy who posted several racist videos. In all cases, penalties were imposed.

In the spring, prosecutors continued to actively fight against swastikas on the walls of houses, trees and fences, issuing warnings to workers utilities in the Ryazan, Tomsk, Chelyabinsk regions and in the Republic Komi.

In addition, at least five performances are known, sent by prosecutors to local providers with a request to block access to sites with materials from the Federal List of Extremist materials” or to sites recognized as extremist. Note that we are not we consider it lawful to ban access to the site if there is no court decision, recognizing this site or materials on it as extremist. In addition, we we consider it unacceptable to restrict access to the site as a whole, if it hosts only isolated extremist materials.

---

In preparing the report materials of daily monitoring of the SOVA Center were used (including several regions of Russia). Monitoring was carried out using the means state support allocated as grants in accordance with Decree of the President of the Russian Federation No. 127-rp dated March 2, 2011

[1] Quantitative data are as of June 22, 2012.

[2] See: Alperovich V., Yudina N. Spring 2011: High-profile trials and ultra-right neoplasms // SOVA Center. June 28, 2011 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/publications/2011/06/d21974).

[3] This term in the ultra-right environment denotes an organized beating people of "non-Aryan" appearance on the train. See: Trains were delayed because of riots and fights in the cars // Zelenograd is our home. April 22, 2012 (http://zelhome.ru/novosti/32160).

[4] See: Alperovich V., Yudina N. Spring 2011: High-profile trials and ultra-right neoplasms...

[5] Alperovich V., Yudina N. Winter 2011–2012: Far-right: Protest and party building // SOVA Center. April 4, 2011 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/publications/2012/04/d24040/).

[6] Law No. 108-18 was adopted on March 7, 2012. It was adopted in the form of amendments to the Law of St. Petersburg “On administrative offenses in St. Petersburg”, supplementing Art. 7.1 (“Public actions aimed at propaganda of sodomy, lesbianism, bisexuality, transgenderism among minors”) and 7.2 (“Public actions aimed at promoting sodomy, lesbianism, bisexualism, transgenderism among minors”).

[7] Imam and parishioners of the Zakabannaya mosque of Kazan appealed to the prosecutor's office with a request to initiate criminal proceedings against the journalist.

[8] On the Black Hawks group, see: Kozhevnikova Galina. under the sign political terror. Radical nationalism in Russia and opposition to it in 2009 // SOVA Center. February 2, 2010 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/publications/2010/02/d17889/).

[9] For more see: Far-Right took part in protest actions on March 5 in Moscow // SOVA Center. 2012.6 March (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2012/03/d23815/).

[10] For more see: Far-Right withdrew from the protest // SOVA Center. 2012. March 11 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2012/03/d23835/).

[11] For more details, see: Far Right May Day 2012 in Moscow // SOVA Center. 2012. May 1 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2012/05/d24320/).

[12] May Day actions of nationalists in different cities in 2012 // SOVA Center. 2012. May 3 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2012/05/d24345/).

[13] Nationalists on the "march of millions" and after it in Moscow // SOVA Center. 2012. May 6 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/racism-nationalism/2012/05/d24363/).

[14] For more details, see: Elena Strukova. Parties of Russian Nationalists: registration in Ministry of Justice. SOVA Center. 2012. May 11 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/publications/2012/05/d24385/).

[15] Creation Manifesto National Democratic Party // Russian Observer. 2012. April 26.

[16] Stop the migration chaos // Official website of the New Force party. 2012.

[17] Restoration of the welfare state // Official website of the New Force party. 2012..

[18] Why the party "Great Russia" is in no hurry to register // A. Savelyev's blog. 2012. April 17.

[19] In addition, in March 2012 in Chita (Zabaikalsky Krai) “in connection with the reconciliation parties” the case was closed under paragraph “b” of Part 2 of Art. 115 of the Criminal Code (“Infliction of light harm health motivated by national hatred") in relation to a minor a teenager who attacked a man of “non-Slavic appearance” with an ax in August last year.

[20] Full list of articles: paras. “a”, “c” part 2 of article 205 of the Criminal Code (“A terrorist act committed by a group of persons according to prior conspiracy or by an organized group, resulting in negligence death of a person”), part 1 of article 205.2 of the Criminal Code (“Public calls for the implementation terrorist activity”), part 1, part 3 of article 223 of the Criminal Code (“Illegal manufacture of weapons committed by an organized group”), part 2 of article 167 of the Criminal Code (“Deliberate destruction or damage to property, committed out of hooligan motives, by arson, explosion or other in a generally dangerous way or negligently entailed the death of a person or other grave consequences”), part 1, part 2, part 3 of article 222 of the Criminal Code (“Illegal acquisition, transfer, sale, storage, transportation or carrying of weapons, their main parts, ammunition, explosives substances and explosive devices committed by an organized group”).

[21] We advocate the exclusion of the vague concept of “social group” from anti-extremist articles. The list of such groups is not listed in the existing anti-extremist legislation, and indeed the concept itself is not has no generally accepted meaning. The broad interpretation leads to the fact that anti-extremist legislation is used to protect groups such as, for example, "nationalists" or "police officers". In this case, we assume it would be sufficient to indicate the motive as a qualifying sign of a crime ideological hatred.

[22] On June 28, 2012, from the report of the Lublin Court, it became known that the qualifying sign of the motive of hatred was not included in the verdict.

[23] An article from www.kazak-chita.ru has been added to the list. The text itself appeared on the Internet in 2009, including on the website of the Union of Officers. The same text sent from e-mail, was recognized as extremist by the decision of the Leninsky district court of Saransk of the Republic of Mordovia dated July 29, 2010 and included in the list (p. 868).

[24] Another, more well-known title is “The Execution of the Tajik and the Dag”.

[25] We are talking about the one sent on December 8, 2008 by e-mail a letter to a number of human rights organizations with threats against guest workers and officials with a photograph of the severed head of a worker from Tajikistan Salakhetdin Azizov, who was killed Nazi skinheads December 5, 2008 city ​​in the Moscow region. Upon discovery on the Internet of this messages in September 2010, the Moscow prosecutor's office opened a criminal case under Part 1 of Art. 282 of the Criminal Code (“Inciting a national hatred"). Recall that in October 2011 the Moscow Prosecutor's Office sent an application to the Nikulinsky District Court demanding recognize as extremist six statements made on behalf of the "Combat Organization of Russian nationalists” (BORN), published on the site “Right News” and "Antikompromat.org".

[26] B. Stomakhin has already served 5 years in prison under Art. 280 and 282 of the Criminal Code for other opposition publications containing numerous calls for violence and endorsement of terrorist acts.

[27] Let's say another unidentifiable leaflet was added to the list under heading "Look, prince, what scum in the walls of the Kremlin wound up!". Earlier, under the same heading (p. 414), another leaflet was introduced. Except In addition, there is another leaflet on the list with a similar title “Look, Prince what scum, started up in the Kremlin walls!” (n. 898). Than these leaflets from each other different, it is completely impossible to understand.

[28] Websites of the “Russian Division” – “Blood&Honour. Combat 18 Russia» and Combat 18. Adolf Hitler's Battle Group.

[29] Excluding wrongful convictions.

Sources

• Alperovich V., Yudina N. Ultra-right on the streets, law enforcement officers on the Internet // Polit.ru. 2012. June 27.
• Press reviews:
• Raskin A. Far-right took to the streets // Expert-online. 2012. July 26.