Blood on the Maidan: What does it change?

COLTA.RU continues the “response” heading : dear people, they answer a question that has been ardently discussed recently. Two months ago, we conducted a survey about the attitude of Russian and Ukrainian public figures towards the national movement for European integration of Ukraine . Over the past time, the situation has changed: the protest ceased to be peaceful, the first victims appeared. No one knows what news from the Maidan will bring the next hour. We wondered: what is this changing?

Leonid Bershid

journalist

Ukrainians are surprisingly peaceful people, and the fact that the victims appeared so late shows them in the best light. But it is impossible to protest without any result for months, so that there are no victims. In the death of people and in radicalization of protest, power is to blame that did not want to listen to them. And now she and she has no other way out: it is not a fact that there is enough military force to suppress the uprising throughout the country, and the protest can only expand after that. So I still treat the Maidan with sympathy and I want Russia to intervene on his side, otherwise Yanukovych and his gang will be launched into the wind that the Kremlin allocates to Ukraine, but still cannot resist the authorities.

Victor Shenderovich

writer, television and radio host, publicist

With the advent of the first victims, my attitude did not change towards Euromaidan, but to the power of Yanukovych. What could be foreseen became the fact: the thief, protecting himself, becomes a killer.

Marat Gelman

Galerist, publicist

Changed. Since I understand something in the old memory, not so much in the situation as in the characters of Ukrainian politics, to the tragedy I laid out solitaires from the interests of different people within power and opposition. After the second victim, anger rolled over all this sales “Ukrainian elite”, and I can say “with the Maidan”.

Sergey Shargunov

Writer, journalist

I am now writing a book about Valentina Kataev and was immersed in a terrible, sticky mess of the Civil War in Ukraine. Dad canal, Green Old Man, Old Man Angel, he is an angel of death. Real stories inherited by Gogol's “terrible revenge”. And now-we already see something related, as if the great-great-grandchildren of Gogol characters and great-grandchildren of stunned chieftains are about to go into a new round dance. It seems to be a symbolic European integration at stake, but for now, in fact, they were overwhelmed to death, covered by fire from broken bottles, dancing naked in the cold, eyes knocked out with aimed ... Horror and game. And there is a feeling that ice and flame may encounter already on the scale of the whole country, making violence mass. I look towards Ukraine anxiously. And I think that, being not there, not inside the collision, you need to choose the words more carefully and remember that this is the lives of people.

Yuri Volodarsky

writer

A fundamentally attitude towards Euromaidan has not changed. A massive folk protest is the last and only chance to return Ukraine to democratic norms and ensure the replacement of power through real, rather than fake elections. The paradox of the situation is that the beginning of the power confrontation was laid by radicals from the “Right Sector” ( an organization banned in the Russian Federation ), whose positions are far from European values: these people even oppose European integration, as well as integration into any other community. The revolution is not the best way to solve state problems, but the fact is that the current government understands only the language of power, and it was not possible to make it into concessions purely peaceful methods of struggle.

The current victories of the Maidan should not be seduced. In essence, the situation is the same as before the adoption of the laws on January 16, only with a sharp exacerbation of the situation in the country, several killed, dozens of missing, hundreds of wounded. A long and difficult struggle is ahead, and it is not easy to predict its result. There are several main options: a legitimate change in power after the next or extraordinary elections (this is the best way), federalization of the country (somewhat tempting, but risky), collapse (extremely negative). Nevertheless, the fact that the authorities were eventually forced to play back and the ghost of authoritarianism began to slowly dissolve in the air, inspires optimism. So far, restrained.

Sergey Medvedev

Political scientist, professor of the Higher School

My attitude towards the Maidan did not change either after clashes on Grushevsky, nor after the first victims. Maidan is the realization of the natural law of the Ukrainian people to protest and uprising. The source of sovereignty is not power, but the people, and when the authorities are taking unconstitutional actions (such as laws on January 16), the people are forced to protect their sovereignty. This right is spelled out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights adopted by the UN: “It is necessary that human rights be guarded by the power of the law in order to ensure that a person is not forced to resort, as the last means, to an uprising against tyranny and oppression.”

When exercising the right to an uprising, costs are inevitable, such as provocations, vandalism and even human sacrifices. The inevitable costs include attacks on the security forces: the opportunity to suffer during the dispersal of demonstrations is included in Job DESCRIPTION OMN, this is part of professional risk. By and large, there is a normal and familiar forceful clarification of relations between demonstrators and the police that are normal for all democratic countries - some realize the right to protest and uprising, others do work to restore public order. The victims are inevitable on both side. But all this is part of the constitutional democratic norm, and not some kind of anti-constitutional action, as our power tries to imagine, in particular, about the Maidan or a much more harmless swamp. Against the background of the Maidan, the reaction of the Russian government to Bolotnaya, the criminalization of peaceful protest and the “swamp business” indicate the pathological fear of the regime and doubts about its own legitimacy.

Ilya Budraitskis

Historian, publicist, civil activist

My attitude to Euromaidan did not change with the advent of the first victims, but with the advent of barricades and obvious signs of the exit of Ukrainian protests beyond the framework of a familiar format with a clear division into heroes of the “scenes” and ordinary participants. The call to the seizure of the Verkhovna Rada sounded at the moment when most people in the square became clear that this regime is not ready for any concessions and would protect themselves to the end, even at the cost of introducing a police dictatorship (the contours of which were already clearly emerging from the “laws of January 16”). I am completely sure that if there were no these barricades, this sacrifice of ordinary protest participants - the leaders of the parliamentary opposition would try to find safe ways to retreat, and in the next year, a wave of political repressions that we received in Russia after May 6, 2012 would have waited for Ukraine in the next year. It was last week that the protesters, the collective “Maidan”, showed themselves as an independent force, which would no longer be able to manipulate politicians - neither from the authorities or from the opposition.

It is sad that this mood of no confidence in the leaders and the need of people in decisive actions were able to catch in time and effectively lead the Nazis from the so -called Right Sector. However, this does not mean at all that the ultra -rights express mass sentiments at the level of political requirements. Their program - an ethnic state, iron dictatorship, repressions against the “enemies”, international isolation - is directly contradictory with protest against the closedness of power, police arbitrariness and obvious, although not fully spoken, the desire for real, direct democracy (which was expressed, for example, in an attempt to establish “popular regional administrations” in a number of captured regional administrations).

Ivan Davydov

Journalist, writer

To be honest, from the moment the confrontation on Grushevsky began, there was no doubt: the dead would appear. There was not even doubt that the accusation of the self-armed and borrowed from the generous neighbor-dictator would appear from the authorities of the “sacred victim”. There are no prophetic talents to guess.

And yes, my attitude to Kyiv protests has changed. In two aspects: people on Grushevsky, because in the same way as third -party observers, understood that death was becoming a reality. And still they went to aggravate the conflict. They walked, went, abandoning the intermediate requirements, they went - this is a thought that the Russian mind, accustomed to imitation policy, is difficult to digest - in fact, in the real battle for the political future of leaders who themselves drove the fire extinguisher from combat positions. This is a sign of a very mature political culture - contrary to the fact that we say official propaganda and the violence of violence, herbivorous opposition: readiness for the sake of freedom as the main value to work in tactically on people, you are not particularly pretty.

It became clear that this was seriously, this is the moment of the real self -determination of the people, something in Russia (it is difficult, or rather, it is impossible not to compare the unimaginable that constantly occurs with the curly experience of Russian protests). Bye. Alas.

And also important, also not very easy for the Russian mind, the moment: preserving the element of the show even in the nightmare of street fighting. Remember the “Orange Revolution”-Maidan as endless festivities, bright speeches, bright posters, bright scarves, Yanukovych, amazed almost to death chicken eggs, legends about striped oranges ... Even Yushchenko was somehow poisoned by carnival.

In Russia - either animal seriousness and proud contempt for those who maintain a normal human state in a critical situation, or a complete reduction of protest events to fun picnics. Without intermediate options. And here - the fighters are building a catapult and a complex device for throwing potatoes, medieval knights flash among people in respirators and helmets, and on a neighboring street they sell mugs with the inscription “Who does not jump, that mosquito” and the balls of the bearings are “real ones, the same as the“ Berry ”of the Horners shoot.” The TV is trying to explain to us that a beast is rampant on the streets of Kyiv, and in my opinion, it is difficult to imagine something more human than this mixing of war, a carnival and fairs.

I have no doubt that Ukrainians will find a way out of the situation. The fact that very important things have already been made that lead the country somewhere where normal people live, and not the Meghaimpers are being built and satrap with animals, I have no doubt either. But I would also really like no one else died there.

Olga Romanova

Human rights activist, journalist

The more carefully I peer into Ukraine, the more clearly I understand: I did not know anything about it and I do not know now. I can't comment on anything - I don't understand. But I understand that those who commenting do not understand anything. And my attitude towards the Maidan has not changed: this is an extremely interesting research object. For an anthropologist, sociologist, political scientist, conflictologist ... And I am an unprepared observer who knows how to yell loudly. My OR can now interfere with the good and help the bad. So I'm quiet and carefully silent!

Pavel Karmanov

composer

Yes. I am against Euromaidan. Against violence. Against blood and brutality.

Masha Slonim

journalist

Changed. I realized that Yanukovych was either very scared or not controlled the “golden eagle”. I realized that the opposition would not retreat.

Semyon Faybisovich

artist

My attitude to the Maidan, no matter how it changes, has no meaning. But the situation there and throughout the country, the appearance of the first victims of clashes of the people with the authorities could not but change. First of all, towards the radicalization of the moods of both sides. Blood, as you know, excites. The probability of the power resolution of the confrontation increased, since the people were angry, and Yanukovych had no illusions that the angry people would do with him in case of victory.

In this confrontation, of course, I wish them on the side of the citizens of Ukraine and this victory with all my heart. But in the event of the victory, the question "What will happen later?" After the death of people, he sounded more alarming, since the increase in the role in the protest of radical moods, groups and leaders was inevitable.

I’m not talking about extreme nationalists, but, for example, I am not very pleased with the active involvement of football fans in the protest of or how joyfully the information that criminal authorities ran into the “titles”. As a result, they, as it were, become (recognized) by the authorities of not only the criminal world, but also protest.

That is, the death of people in itself is a tragedy, and its influence on the fate of Ukraine seems rather negative.

Anatoly Golubovsky

Journalist, sociologist, art critic

After the victims, the attitude towards the Maidan has not changed. The realization that the Maidan was the only example of consistent and effective civil disobedience in the post -Soviet space. It became finally clear that political technology in general and specific opposition politicians in particular do not affect the dynamics of the activity of the Maidan. When the prospects of Russian protest were discussed, many said that, of course, it would be nice to launch the mechanism of civil disobedience. But no one understood how this could happen today. And the Maidan showed. The victims became the point of transition to a certain scenario of the development of events. Hope arose at first, and then the belief that the Maidan would achieve his requirements. Of course, no one wanted to die. Whether someone wanted to kill is a question to which the answer should be received. The negotiators of the Maidan defend the amnesty. Maybe I'm not in the know, but I do not know anything about the requirement of the investigation related to the victims.

Alexander Baunov

Journalist, philologist

The question suggests that our and Ukrainian protest is some special. We compare it with Moscow 2011-2012, with the "orange" and "velvet" revolutions. But if you look in the usual international perspective for me, victims during anti -government protests happen all the time. They were in Tunisia, in Egypt, in the quiet Bahrain. And before that, there are still many where - in Indonesia, in the Philippines, in Korea. In Moscow, finally, in the 91st and 93rd. As one of my Ukrainian correspondents said-in the 91st, freedom went to us for nothing, now it's time to pay. This, of course, is a little metaphysics. But then there are protests in Thailand at the same time with Ukraine, and there were victims, but the same people who hung black squares on the occasion of the Kyiv dead, calmly rested or examined the possibility of relaxing in Thailand or in the same Egypt.

Ukraine is close to us, and we perceive the dead Ukrainians as our own (and they also say a completely different country), and for Americans, for most Europeans, the victims of protests in Kyiv are almost like for us the victims of protests in Bangkok. What can be expected in a poor, not very stable country, where people suddenly decided to defeat power. It is clear what power is in such countries. In order for the victims to be perceived as something unthinkable, incredible, going beyond the natural course of things, a Western person must look at Ukraine as one of the countries of his circle. And he, of course, does not look at her. And it can be understood: when in the country the second revolution in 10 years and people on the streets complain to reporters about a terrible dictatorship - what is their own circle. And if so - Ukraine automatically falls into the number of countries where everything is possible.

This is what we compare Ukraine with the two -year and Ukraine of a decade ago, and a Western man compares it with Egypt, Tunisia, Thailand, Syria. And, strictly speaking, he is right. It is amazing to us: how it was just recently, literally yesterday, Ukrainians defeated their power with songs and flowers, but today they cannot defeat it with pitchfork, stones and kerosene. But more recently, this is 10 years ago. In these 10 years in Ukraine there were no intelligible political, economic, structural reforms, no tangible growth. That is, this is another 10 poor years, for which a whole generation has been born, and many representatives of previous generations have lost patience. It is not surprising that everything happens more desperate and angrier.

Well, here we are here a little in captivity of our common dreams of European Ukraine (because if it is European, then why we would not be). In fact, the willingness to go to the cops with Dubie does not speak of any special, inaccessible to us European freedom. As my younger colleague Maxim Samorukov said, the inhabitants of Biryulev also went to beat the police, but from this we do not conclude that there is Europe. In fact, when Biryulyovo fought with the police, we primarily talked about poverty, corruption, disappointment and socio-national tension, and not that there is more Europe than inside the garden ring.

On the other hand, remember, we went out for Navalny in the summer, and he was released. Well, imagine that he was not released, but everyone was dispersed and someone else was killed. For Ukrainians, it somehow looks like that.

The novel is super

journalist

The attitude to the moderate Maidan, if it has changed, is for the better. People amaze with their stamina, endurance and motivation: the weather in Kyiv is no longer at all friendly that were at the end of 2013. А вот отношение к людям, закидывающим ментов горящим бензином, демонстративно не понимающим русский язык, сооружающим катапульту, раздающим вилы и призывающим убивать — а они призывают: не бить, не калечить, а убивать, своими ушами слышал, — так вот какое может быть отношение к этим людям? Я очень не уверен, что передний край революции, возглавляемый так называемым Правым сектором, через боль и страдание осчастливит Украину. Мне жаль видеть любимый город в огне.

Анатолий Ульянов

сокуратор looo.ch

С ноября по январь мое отношение к Евромайдану изменилось, но это связано не с жертвами, а с изменением самого Евромайдана: за эти полтора месяца он трансформировался из девственных топтаний под скулеж Вакарчука в настоящую постапокалиптическую свистопляску. Свистопляска эта вызывает у меня амбивалентные переживания восторга и ужаса.

Как художник, я вижу в Евромайдане интенсивный эстетический ландшафт: снежные ковры, покрытые кровавыми слезами, дворцы из мусора и льда, огненные стены и средневековые катапульты. Потом еще какие-то лучники, алхимики с коктейлями Молотова, футбольные фанаты, и, кажется, вот-вот объявят, что к революции присоединились летающие обезьяны и подземные народы.

Как романтик, модернист и человек, у которого там осталась семья, я инвестирую в Евромайдан свои надежды: события такого масштаба вскрывают общественное тело и высвобождают огромное количество исторической энергии. Это тот момент, когда и без того зыбкую идентичность украинца можно перепрошивать на новый лад — внедрить культуру, которая, собственно, и опосредствует искомую ситуацию Европы. Иными словами, мне бы очень хотелось, чтобы у украинцев получилось отчекрыжить зэчий полип и врубиться в алмазную матрицу безбожия, гуманизма и мужеложества. Меня действительно впечатляют бескровные захваты областных администраций и люди в шлемах, играющие на рояле. Я искренне желаю Киеву Нью-Йорка, Содома и Вавилона.

However. Как критик, я понимаю, что у моей сексуальной утопии в отношении Украины нет рациональных оснований. Реальное положение вещей ничего хорошего не предвещает. На Украине нет ни прогрессивного культурного контекста, ни соответствующей политической силы, которая могла бы претворять модернистские перемены, объединить Восток и Запад страны, создать новую экономическую реальность. Зато есть угроза нацизма. И что самое прискорбное — эту угрозу активно эксплуатирует кремлевская пропаганда, тем самым нейтрализуя работу тех революционеров, которые одновременно противостоят как украинским националистам, так и российским империалистам.

Любой разговор о нацизме на Украине автоматически записывает говорящего в лагерь к ведьмовским жабам вроде Аркадия Мамонтова, и угроза остается недооцененной — ее считают истерией, следствием какой-то русской лихорадки. При этом уже сегодня либеральные киевляне вовсю демонстрируют национальный сантимент, что не может не беспокоить. Это регионы с их нищетой ели чернозем все последние годы. Киев же был погружен в сытое однообразие, свою маленькую Веймарскую республику. Его жители не отдают себе отчет, что за народ питает революцию. Для них сейчас это все просто кокс и движ. Они думают, что после падения режима персонажи Толкиена попревращаются в хипстеров и в Киеве наступит Лондон.

Штурмовики «Беркута» измываются над активистами, а активисты над «титушками», и весь этот чемпионат по меньшему зверству иллюстрирует уровень культуры и обнажает проект перспективы. Точка невозврата пройдена. Революция победит. Но что будет означать эта победа? Европа, уверяю, быстро не наступит, так что не стоит преждевременно пускать слюну на долгожданный гей-парад. Даже если президента-зэка сменит президент-боксер, пламя нации уже так просто не потушить. «Оранжевая революция» была бескровной, и тем не менее Украина до сих пор не может выйти из ее националистического опьянения. На Евромайдане же националисты не просто заявили о себе — они попробовали кровь и проявили себя единственной по-настоящему организованной политической сущностью. Какие бы успокоительные мантры ни мурчали себе под нос наивные киевские буржуа, захваты областных администраций осуществили не диалектики, но патриоты. Относительно мирными эти захваты были только в идеологически однородных регионах. Так что борьба за будущее должна продолжиться и после свержения действующего режима. Националистам нельзя позволить прийти к власти и превратить европейское утро Украины в ее Хрустальную ночь.

Подготовила Юлия Рыженко