Translated material
Twilight justice
Repressive methods become a means of communication with Russian society
Repressive methods become a means of communication with Russian society
"Twilight life ended among twilight justice, which makes it difficult to distinguish the guilty from the innocent."
Vladimir Korolenko. "Household phenomenon."
The representative of the Russian government in the highest courts, Mikhail Barschevsky, intelligibly explained what the verdict in the “swamp case” means: “He, as it seems to me, was not so much directed against the defendants in the“ swamp business ”, how much is aimed at showing the police:“ The guys who offend you will not live the day ”.”
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In other words, Andrei Barabanov, Stepan Zimin, Denis Lutskievich, Yaroslav Belousov, Artyom Savelov, Sergey Krivov and Alexei Polikhovich, who received the real terms of conclusion (from 2.6 to 4 years) [1] - just visual aids.
However, even before the statement of Barshchevsky, who, with the undisguised approval, was attributed to the verdict, it was obvious that sentences in Moscow courts for political cases were not sent out in accordance with the real actions of the defendants, but are “educational significance”. That is, judges are planting the first ones who came across, they don’t pay attention to the words of witnesses and video materials - based on the “highest state interests”.
"In dialogue with society, repressive methods should certainly be present"
As the author of “Biochemistry of betrayal”, propagandist Konstantin Semin, “repressive methods should be present in a dialogue with society, have recently put it on one of the round tables.”
Repressive methods as a means of communication. The dream of the Patriot.
The Russian authorities scare any manifestation of activity. These people have long brought most of the Russian citizens to the passive. The leaders are sincerely convinced that everything in the country in which they were in power should take place on command. These people consider themselves commanders. For the convenience of management in recent years, military terminology began to be used more and more often. In a military atmosphere, it is easier to suppress unauthorized activity.
“Because throwing a squeezed lemon is also an active action ...”, as Barschevsky explained.
And if, God forbid, the lemon is not squeezed?
What is the suppression of activity and what it leads to, a hundred years ago, Vladimir Korolenko showed in his essay the “domestic phenomenon”.
Household phenomenon is repression. Pyotr Stolypin preferred executions by hanging, but he also treated other repressions favorably.
The first Russian revolution had already ended by that time, but the repressive car diverged in earnest.
The classical era of reaction has come when the so -called statesmen seek to suppress dissent as much as possible. At first glance, they succeed. In the sense that an illusion of order is created.
When Korolenko’s essay came out, Lev Tolstoy, judging by his diary, was shocked and wrote to Vladimir Korolenko a letter that said: “No Duma speeches, no treatises, no dramas, novels will perform one thousandth of the beneficial effect that this article should perform.”
Korolenko talked about the fleeting Russian courts that issued hundreds and thousands of sentences, including mortals. People were executed "for non -renewal", "for aiding." There were completely random victims. They hung everyone in a row, including minors.
The Stolypin government used intimidation tactics. It seemed to Stolypin that in combination with his relatively liberal reforms in the economy, this would bring success.
In fact, the repressions led to the fact that the reforms in the historical perspective were meaningless. Stolypin inflated the bonfires of future revolutions, to which he himself did not live and was killed.
"We close our eyes to what is happening around"
A few years ago, at the opening of the monument to Stolypin, Vladimir Putin, explaining why today it is necessary to take an example from Stolypin, said that "if necessary in the interests of the state, he always took an uncompromising and tough position."
In Russia, a hundred years ago, during the years of reaction, a whole generation of people was brought up, which was unable to trust state power, which occupied an "uncompromising and tough position." And as soon as the state power was inevitably exhaled, this generation said its word. No one else recalled either the “peacekeeper” of Stolpin, nor his agrarian reforms.
Lev Tolstoy, having read the article by Vladimir Korolenko on the repressions of 1908-1909, expressed "bewilderment before the self-confidence of the blindness of people who commit these terrible deeds before their aimlessness, since it is obvious that all these stupid things produce the intended goal of the action."
In 2014, it remains only to repeat Tolstoy’s words that the repressions supported by many Orthodox hierarchs “produce the expected goal of action”. These are not just harsh actions, these are “stupid-burning” actions.
Unjustified cruelty.
Korolenko, in the prohibited essay, “Household Phenomenon” spoke about how the views of opponents of power evolve. These people were not born like that. They became them, faced with injustice, and then the confrontation began: who would win whom?
“Individual violence - legalized, secret murder - against the execution of a simplified court or without a trial, robbery - against ruin“ administrative order ”, personal bloody revenge - against the tortures in the district dungeon, the partisan anarchy - against the fact that the Kensor Nikitenko called the aptly“ organized unrest ”. [2]
So, the state creates an “organized mess”. It seems to the officials that having created legislative chaos and the atmosphere of legal hopelessness, they will calm the country. Allegedly, the wall of legal lawlessness cannot be overcome. It is only necessary to put or squeeze out the “most violent” in emigration, and the rest look at themselves. This is what Korolenko called “bird psychology” in one of the letters: “This is our current psychology, Russian, modern ... We are closing our eyes to what is happening in a circle, which is called law, law, justice, and court” [3]
Korolenko himself was not a revolutionary. It was important for him “attentive attitude to bilateral manifestations of common guilt and general responsibility”. He knew how to distinguish professional revolutionaries from those whom the authorities were literally turned into revolutionaries against their will by their unjustified cruelty.
As history shows, an “organized mess” is useless. On the contrary, he leads to mutual bitterness, and yesterday's peaceful people suddenly become radicals - right, left, it does not matter.
In addition, the figures of those who are louder than others advocate “twisting the nuts” are interesting.
Korolenko paid attention to these people. He talked with the father of the young man, who was hanged, and even the court petitioned for the death sentence to be softened. But then a certain word was said by a certain General Kaulbars (representative of the famous Kaulbars dynasty), insisting on the death penalty.
Korolenko became interested in the personality of Caulbars and in the notes of General Kuropatkin about the Russian-Japanese war easily discovered such a characteristic of Baron Caulbars: “The commander of the Second Army, General Kaulbars, did not execute the orders of the commander in chief, which greatly contributed to the Japanese in the bypass movement. Having received troops and orders to advance, he retreated; Instead of going to the right, I went to the left, etc. The military council considered the actions of General Kaulbars wrong, established the facts of non -fulfillment of the orders of the commander in chief ... and decided to betray General Kaulbars ... a military court. The court, by the highest mercy, did not take place. ”
Kaulbars was pardoned, but he himself was not going to mercy on anyone a few years later. Showed "fundamentality."
He did not organize order, but a mess. If it were not for the too zealous “restoring order”, it would not be necessary later to Kaulbars and his allies to participate in the civil war, to escape abroad ...
"It should be trained"
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In modern Russia, it does not yet reach executions, but the general attitude to dissenters is about the same as a hundred years ago.
In 1908-1909, it seemed to reactionaries that they reassured Russia. In fact, they, warning against "great upheavals", involuntarily pushed her to the revolution and the civil war.
Most often, such “statesmen” stained themselves somewhat before (Kaulbars was considered guilty of the deaths of hundreds and even thousands of Russian soldiers and officers). The current “statesmen” also collect “skeletons in the closet”. Unseclacted real estate. Doubtful privatization. Pseudothens. Offshore geography. The so -called reforms, which neither at the first nor at the second glance are distinguished from banal theft. On some "statesmen" there is nowhere to put the stigma. They are the least similar to statesmen. They are statesmen only in the sense that they are used to looking into the state budget as in their own pocket. Without a state, they would disappear.
“Self -confident blindness” (expression of Tolstoy), it turns out, is contagious. Its signs are greed and cruelty. The greater the greed, the greater the cruelty.
It seems to reactionaries that activity is suppressed by repression. They believe that it is enough to isolate several leaders and intimidate everyone else, and the protests will subside.
They will not subside, even if they completely ban protests in the center of Moscow. In the center of all cities. They will simply become others.
Although reactionaries, of course, are sure of the opposite. As a deputy of the Moscow City Duma Mikhail Moskvin-Tarkhanov put it, "this should be trained like Pavlov's dog."
Here it is, the dream of reactionaries: to extract your people, to reduce everything to the simplest reflexes. People, are you feeding you? People, are you awake? People, are they allowed to have fun? So what else do you want?
For those who want something more, “twilight justice” is always ready. The sun is beyond the horizon and invisible, but signs of sunset are visible. Or dawn. In general, twilight.
In the Russian capital, "Twilight Justice" begins with the police. Journalist Sergei Parkhomenko in his blog gave such a characteristic to this advanced detachment of “statesmen”, which protesters first encounter on the streets: “Police forces formed a complex“ conveyor ”from their employees, capable of“ processing ”a large number of people who have to be persecuted. Four stages are clearly visible on this conveyor, four “specializations”, which are divided by police officers:
Those who know how to beat, catch and twist,
Those who can hold and transport,
Those who know how to "draw up", that is, to falsify protocols and reports,
Those who know how to “punish”, that is, for permissions in court.
We emphasize: specialists of these four types are different people. And they are configured for this separate work in advance. This explains the total anonymity of employees of the first two types. They never have license plates, and often there are no straps, stripes, they never call themselves, never present any documents, never explain any rights to the detainees, never report any reasons and reasons for their actions. They do not just come out of cowardice (although they are afraid, of course, responsibility for their actions, which can be seen by some of their fragmentary remarks). And because such was the direct order they received: do not leave any “individual” traces, so as not to complicate the work for those who are on the conveyor of the next “posts” so as not to get confused under their feet. What is happening directly contradicts the “Law on the Police” (in paragraph 4 of Article 5 it is said that when contacting a citizen, a police officer is obliged: to name his position, title, surname, to present an official certificate at the request of the citizen, and then inform the reason and purpose of the appeal) ... ”.
But the police deliberately go to violation. They know that they will not be anything for it. Otherwise, the repressive machine would fail, the conveyor would work much slower.
Sergei Parkhomenko claims: “Masters in police uniforms put on a“ falsification site ”begin to propagate hundreds and thousands of identical reports, written in exactly the same words, with a description of the same situations and nominating the same accusations against different people who were at different times in different places. These texts differ only by signatures and titles of false participants and false witnesses of events. According to the “law”, part of such documents are supposed to be written by hand, and dozens of people in forms are sitting in a row, as in a picture about a rural circle of struggle against illiteracy, around the table, and something is cloudy under the dictation of one “senior”. In essence, this process is most reminiscent of the standard procedure for falsification of signatures when registering a false candidate in the elections: there, too, falsifiers are sitting in a row and write something, sometimes changing the fountain burns, “for similarity”. ”
Something similar was happening in the Russian Empire a hundred years ago, when random people were on the bench. Then there were also enough falsifiers. Many of them were convinced that they act for the benefit of the state - they are fighting with a turmoil.
In fact, the troubles are largely a consequence of "twilight justice."
"Prone to illegal actions"
It is important for reactionaries to inject the “therapeutic” dose of fear to society.
When the guilty is punished, it’s not so scary. When they punish the innocent-it was then that fear arises, for "educational purposes."
True, this does not mean that real opponents of the reaction are away from the blow. They also do not forget about them.
Alexei Polikhovich, convicted in the “swamp business”, claims that his guards “beat him to loss of consciousness.” State Duma deputy Dmitry Gudkov described what happened as follows: “In the court of Alexei they forced to sign in receiving the verdict, but they did not give a sentence in his hands, and when he demanded to give a sentence, the guards dragged him into a car carrier. He began to demand that he be given a sentence, but one of the guards, the most healthy, began to insult him, and when Polikhovich demanded a normal attitude and the cessation of insults, he beat him to the loss of consciousness. "
More than four hundred people who came to the court building on the day of the sentence were detained. Among them was Alexei Navalny.
The police showed special diligence that day. On the day of the sentence on the streets of Moscow, he was detained twice.
The judge was completely unimportant by the testimony of witnesses and the video detention presented. It was obvious that the decision was finally made, to isolate Navalny from the outside world. And he was isolated: at least until April 28, giving seven days of arrest, and then putting under house arrest with the wording: "Personal to unlawful actions."
When “twilight justice” acts, a killer or a person who stole billions of rubles can be free. But the one who regularly publishes information about the corruption of officials and deputies must be “closed”. This is the logic of "twilight justice." Navalny was arrested without the right to correspond.
Thus, instead of the usual new records on his blog, an entry made by the lawyers Alexei Navalny - Olga Mikhailova and Vadim Kobzev: “1. Justifying the need for house arrest, Alexei Navalny, the investigation is misleading, indicating violations of the conditions of a non -residence subscription by allocation. Until January 14, Navalny was allowed to visit the Moscow region.
The case of “violations” is a trip to the FBK outbuilding seminar in the Odintsovo district and a weekly rest of Navalny with his wife and children in the rest house near Moscow. It should be noted that the amazing intensity of surveillance of Navalny is characterized by the fact that the management of the FSB of the Russian Federation was obtained by the Certificate of Lenting by the Navalny Afadricig in the Rest House.
The reference to the administrative arrest of Navalny is completely insolvent not even because the arrest case is impudently falsified, but because the decision did not enter into legal force.
Navalny is charged with trips to the Moscow region and participation in rallies, but requires its isolation and prohibition on the use of the Internet and means of communication, and this directly indicates that the true goal is to deprive the bulk of its blog and coordinate the anti -corruption activities of the FBK.
We draw attention to the fact that even the delivery of Navalny from a special detention center to the Basmanny Court was entrusted to the FSB authorities (according to the information provided by the Basmanny Court), which clearly indicates the extraordinary events around Navalny and that they are authorized by senior officials of the Russian Federation. ”
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In the phrase “Guys who offends you, the day will not live”, the key word: resentment. Resentment is the driving force of many actions of representatives of the Russian authorities. Often this is a sincere resentment: “How so? We work day and night, take care of you, naughty and unconscious. We give the deadlines small. We do not kill anyone practically. Sometimes we even release someone. А вы, вместо благодарности, насмехаетесь над нами. Вместо того чтобы по-птичьи или по-собачьи закрыть глаза, вы пытаетесь осветить сумерки. How so?"
«Организованный порядок» совсем не безобиден, но союз жадности и жестокости может привести только в тупик, в котором дурно пахнет гнилью.
Alexey Semenov
Замоскворецкий суд 24 февраля 2014 г. огласил приговор восьми фигурантам болотного дела. Андрей Барабанов получил три года и семь месяцев колонии общего режима, Ярослав Белоусов – два года и шесть месяцев, Степан Зимин – три года и шесть месяцев, Сергей Кривов – четыре года, Денис Луцкевич – три года и шесть месяцев, Алексей Полихович – три года и шесть месяцев, Артем Савелов – два года и семь месяцев. Александра Наумова (Духанина) была приговорена к трем годам и трем месяцам условно с испытательным сроком в течение трёх лет.
V.G. Korolenko. Бытовое явление. 1970. М., Собрание соч. в 6 томах, т. 6.
V.G. Korolenko. Отрывок статьи о смертной казни. Afterword. 1970. М., Собрание соч. в 6 томах, т. 6.