
Moscow dared to resist falsifications and not notable to no avail on February 4, 2012
The dominant trend with the elections is a decrease in the diversity and individual characteristics of the regions. The results are more strongly dependent on the administrative resource and less - on the regional characteristics of the voter. The administrative resource, in turn, depends on the Kremlin. Kremlin from Putin. Putin from Lubyanka. Lubyanka came up with a church poician. The elections quietly lost the function of the communication channel between the people and the authorities. The connection passed into the sacred space and is provided by such inaccessible proofans as the sacraments as interdame symphony, spiritual scrapers, national code and so on.
This is no longer competition and reporting to taxpayers, but a ritual of expressing loyal feelings. Sacrifice of votes.
Creeping leaky
In the framework of rationality, the result of V.V. Putin in 2012 in Chechnya - 99.8% (with the same turnout) - not that impossible, but logically unbearable. He sets the citizen an insoluble task: either you agree to be an idiot and believe that such a result is possible in the elections, or should demand the punishment of Chechen manipulators under Article 142 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation “Falsification of Electoral Documents”, up to four years in prison. Human consciousness is looking for salvation from this fork in flight from the status of a citizen who respects the law and the constitution. “Well, Chechnya ... Well, they still understand ... It doesn’t concern us ... But we still love Putin and have chosen all the people.”
No. Firstly, how does it regard: from the beginning of the zero years there is a creeping leaky of the electoral space of Russia. Secondly, rightly, Putin was chosen by the majority in 2012, and, possibly, even absolute (more than 50%). But definitely not by the not those symbolic two -thirds of the vote 63.6%), which were drawn by the electoral administration.
In fact, what can you do if the population so selflessly loves his leader
The process of lentilization is simple: if in the mid-1990s, statistically significant symptoms of falsification were manifested in no more than 200 territorial election commissions (TIK) from 2750 and were concentrated in 20–25 constituent entities of the Federation (mainly in the republics of the North Caucasus and Volga region), then in the Putin era they are already recorded in almost half the TIC (from 1000 to 1300, depending on the electoral, depending on the electoral. campaign) at least 40 regions. A specific example: in the 1990s in the Tyumen region there were practically no such territorial commissions so that the turnout was more than 90% and the equally monolithic result “for whom”. And after 2004, their number began to be measured in dozens. And the head of the region S.S. Sobyanin was invited to lead the presidential administration.

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The matter is understandable. Back in 2010, the speaker of the Chechen parliament of Dukuvakha Abdurakhmanov, within the walls of the Federation Council, honestly and openly explained: if the party of power in Chechnya will need 115–120% of the vote, "we can provide such a result." Yes, who would doubt it! Only the noble moderation of dzhigit prevented Mr. Abdurahmanov to swing into the sacred 146%. And then they would provide without problems. And without unnecessary questions from the guarantor of the Constitution. In fact, what can you do if the population so selflessly loves his leader.
Love as a task
The victorious revival of the Russian spirit, the bearer of which is the glorious Vityaz R.A. Kadyrov, is well read on the maps of the electoral falsifier. Among the regions of the Central Federal District, the first place in the support of V.V. Putin in 2012 won the Tambov region. She also conquered leadership (already throughout Russia) in the number of voters who voted at home: 20%. Which is technically impossible: if 1000-1500 people vote on average on the site, then at home, it means 200-300. The regulation allows you to bypass voters with a portable urban only one brigade. Suppose, to search for addresses, climbing the stairs, conversations with the voter take an average of only 10 minutes (a very modest assessment). This means bypass 200-300 addresses will take from 33 to 50 hours of selfless Stakhanov work. Moreover, the time of voting is legally limited from 8 a.m. to 8 pm.
If from 72% to take 20 attributed to the help of subdominal falsifications, 52 will remain - which approximately corresponds to the real electoral rating of the president at the time of the vote. A very good result, by the way. But within the framework of rationality. And it is required - so that in the framework of inescapable national love.
The exploits of the head of the Tambov election commission Alexei Puchnin in the Black Earth Niva were noticed and evaluated. Since 2013, he has been leading the electoral process in St. Petersburg, persistently instilling the former capital of Tambov-Chechen ideas about the beautiful. And the former capital, which was injured since the time of the Zinoviev terror, the Kronstadt reprisal, the Kirov process, the Nazi blockade and Zhdanov’s creativity did not particularly resist. And what to flirt, if even before Puchnin, in 2012, in three months, from the December elections to the State Duma to the March elections of the president, the official number of voters in the city suddenly increased by 204 thousand people. And three months later, by the time of standard June reconciliation, again decreased by 203 thousand. That is, it returned to the state of December. Almost all of these “dead souls” voted for Putin in specially created 96 phantom polling stations. Naturally, with a turnout of more than 90% and the same monolithic. But this is not enough! About 80 thousand more when counting the votes were transferred to Count V.V. Putin from neighboring count. Total in March 2012, the hometown was attributed to V.V. Putin is more than 200 thousand votes at the expense of the fan -shaped turnout. And about 80 thousand added thanks to the vulgar squeezing from competitors. That at the figures of turnout, of course, was not reflected. The St. Petersburg result cleared of falsifier instead of the official 58.8% was 50% plus minus 1. Perhaps there was a victory in the first round, and perhaps there was no.
But this is not even the point! And the fact that Petersburg swallowed this falsified swill. Although, unlike Tambov and Chechnya, he grimaced noticeably. But he was not ready for serious resistance.
President of the periphery
Now, after taking office A.S. Puchnina, the Chechen-Tambov style of electoral management in St. Petersburg is even more distinct. Actually, this is the main secret of Putin - even according to the official figures of Churov, he is a pronounced president of the periphery. We denote the trend with a dotted line: almost 100%pulled in Chechnya, 72%in Tambov, in St. Petersburg (with a big creak) 59%, although in fact there were about 50. In Moscow, even officially-only 47%, but in fact there were somewhere between 42 and 45 percent. That is, the deaf, the higher. Yeltsin, on the contrary, was the president of capitals and large cities. In the first, really competitive round of the 1996 elections, in the top ten largest cities, he scored 52% (approximately like Putin in 2012!). In a hundred large cities, he already has less, only 44%. This is understandable - Makhachkala, and an eagle with Tambov, and Vladikavkaz are connected here. In the country as a whole, taking into account the village, Yeltsin had 35%.
For the past 10 years, the Putin electoral vandaya occurs, flooding with the falsification of the island of Bolshodnyodsky civilization. And what, no one resists? No, they resist, of course. After about 17 percentage points were attributed to “United Russia” in Moscow in 2011 (in fact there were about 30%, 46.6%were drawn), the city burst out and rose on its hind legs. And by the way, he achieved a lot: in March in the presidential election, the simplest, most effective and arrogant falsifier mechanism - night rewriting of protocols - stopped applying. As a result, as mentioned above, only 47%, and if without “daytime counterfeit” - 42–45%. Which, by the way, inflicted a serious blow to Sobyanin's hardware positions: he could not provide steady growth. And this is also important to understand: Sobyanin in the Tyumen region and Sobyanin in Moscow - in relation to electoral policy, two completely different characters. As a smart politician, having met serious resistance in the capital, he chose to look for a compromise. In the mayor’s elections in 2013, the votes were considered almost honestly - the integral volume of the falsifier did not exceed 1.5%. And it is clear why: the city was able to expose almost 10 thousand independent observers who covered 63% of polling stations. On them (conditionally - “White Moscow”), Sobyanin officially got 49.9%. But in the remaining 37% of the plots ("gray Moscow") he already had 54%. As a result - 51.4% and victory in the first round.
Foci of resistance
It is unlikely that the Kremlin administration understands the problem of the electoral degradation of Russia in terms of confrontation between capitals and periphery. There, specific people solve specific career problems. The task is to ensure the result - they provide it. To do this, in a too freely voting Samara region, Nikolai Merkushkin should be planted, who in his Mordovia systematically achieved electoral beings and gatherings of about 90%. How he provided it, in what way is his business. Now, let him go to increase and try to break Samara with Togliatti ... In St. Petersburg with his high, but still insufficient loyalty to count the voices launched the Puchnin. Gently strangled Nizhny Novgorod sent Valery Shantsev. And to Moscow - Sobyanin with his Tyumen grades.
It is unlikely that the Kremlin administration understands the problem of the electoral degradation of Russia in terms of confrontation between capitals and periphery. There, specific people solve specific career problems
Until recently, the Europeanized Kaliningrad remained from the foci of resistance (Putin-2012-47%, as in Moscow). To the current governor Nikolai Tsukanov, the only region in the country where not a single governor has more than one period. Now Tsukanov is instructed to slightly break Kaliningrad horns. Yekaterinburg, Novosibirsk, Yaroslavl, Vologda, Arkhangelsk, Karelia and some other regions of the European North and the Non -Black Earth region remain several times less than the rural population and there are no historical experience of serfdom. This also shines through and is refracted through the electoral manners of the regions. With the last foci of resistance, they work: plant, scare, carry out personnel permutations.
The authorities enthusiastically, although with varying degrees of effectiveness, solves its tactical tasks, laying a strategic bomb for the future under the state structure of Russia: megalopolises for a number of objective reasons are drawn to Europe and real electoral democracy; The Putin nomenclature regiment with its falsification tools, led by Ramzan Kadyrov, pulls east, closer to the raw materials of the Sultanates. Where everyone obeys and obey. And in this sense, they almost do not differ from each other.
Hidden tension to the gap increases. It will crack earlier or later.
Photo: Anatoly Strunin / ITAR-TASS, Donat Sorokin / TASS