The ultra-right is in protest. Winter-spring 2016-2017

Edited by Alexander Verkhovsky Organizational building : Rally activity : Inclusion in the general protest movement : Traditional actions : Other activity : Pressure on the ultra-right environment

Organizational building

By December 2016, the far-right political flank had come pretty restructured. For much of 2016, the nationalists tried to find new forms of existence in the conditions of a changed political situation, relentless pressure from law enforcement agencies and the split over the “Ukrainian issue” that still remains relevant.

Movements that previously supported the "Russian Spring" and turned out to be by the second half of 2016 in a serious crisis, by December, office building activities have either ended or been suspended. None significant examples of organizational development in winter and spring could not boast of such more or less prominent players as the Russian National Front, National Democratic Party (NDP), National Conservative movement, the Russian imperial movement and others that a year or two earlier quite actively tried to develop and build new or expand existing coalitions and alliances.

The performance of the January 25 Committee turned out to be even worse, with created with great fanfare at the beginning of 2016, and in May of the same year, transformed to the All-Russian National Movement (ORND) by Igor Strelkov [1] . IN January 2017, the head of the Sputnik and Pogrom (S&P) Egor left the movement Prosvirnin. At the January anniversary meeting of the movement, E. Prosvirnin rightly pointed out that the Committee had not made any significant progress during the year: it had no funds, no projects, no website of its own, and almost no public activities [2] . TO to the failures of the movement, one can also add the fact that the members of K25 since the founding organizations clearly failed to reach internal agreements on ideology. For example, at the same meeting, the nationalist views of E. Prosvirnin came into conflict with the leftist views of another founder of K25 - a blogger Anatoly Nesmiyan (El Murida). S&P left K25/ORND, but soon A. Nesmiyan incurred the wrath of colleagues for a publicly expressed proposal to go to cooperation with the liberal opposition and also left the movement. In response to accusations of inaction by the leader himself, I. Strelkov, blamed the authorities for everything: “ They don't even persecute me, they just make me as if there is no Strelkov " [3] . How much it can be judged that the leaders of K25 and ORND continue to wait for the moment when the crisis shakes the current political regime in Russia and the request for a "third force" as which they position themselves, will arise by itself.

Opponents of the "Russian Spring" were more active, although in recent years, these movements, due to their pro-Kiev position, have suffered from pressure from law enforcement agencies and the outflow of activists is greater than their pro-Donbas opponents. In 2016, political leaders in this sector finally relied on cooperation with opposition movements liberal persuasion, possessing more resources than the nationalists. Attempts fit into the general protest movement undertaken by the far right in 2015 and the first half of 2016 were somewhat chaotic and episodic, although In one way or another, many people were involved in this process. The situation changed after how the Saratov blogger appeared on the federal political scene right-wing populist Vyacheslav Maltsev, who was nominated, we recall, in State Duma on the federal list of the party "Parnassus" [4] . As part of the election campaign, contacts between nationalists who supported V. Maltsev, and liberal and civil activists acquired a more systematic character, which subsequently led to the emergence of several organizational innovations on the nationalist political flank. It's about movement The "artillery preparation" of V. Maltsev himself, who united his followers, often - not previously politicized, about the New Opposition movement created by members campaign headquarters of V. Maltsev - Mark Galperin, Ivan Beletsky and others, and also about the Nationalist Party, which was formed by the far right from "New Opposition" - the same I. Beletsky, Yuri Gorsky, Denis Romanov-Russian and other.

By December 2016, all three organizations were still in at the very beginning of its formation, but, as far as one can judge, they set the task act as a united front at street actions, offering the choice of "identity" to everyone those wishing to join them: the Artpodgotovka brand - for fans of V. Maltsev, the brand of the Nationalist Party - for the far right and the brand "New opposition” – for everyone else who is not ready to sign up for the first two categories, so that predominantly liberal-minded activists participate in its actions, ready for systemic cooperation with the ultra-right, such as one of the leaders "New Opposition" M. Galperin. It is noteworthy that it was often possible observe how activists found it difficult to make a choice in favor of one or another identities and preferred to combine two or all three at once. For example, in Veliky Novgorod on behalf of the "New Opposition" speaks local activist Elena Grigorieva, who concurrently heads the regional departments and Nationalist Party, and Artpodgotovki. Such an intersection of the activist, and in some places and the leadership makes it difficult for an outside observer to understand where one movement ends and another begins. However, between organizations there is one notable difference regarding the desired ways of coming to authorities: "The New Opposition" makes the main bet on the "democratic revolution", that is, in fact, on street activity (it is on this basis that its creators separate themselves from the "old opposition" that was election-oriented), the Party nationalists, which follows from the word "party", ideally seeks to participate in electoral processes, but Artpodgotovka is somewhere in the middle: V. Maltsev is already showed his readiness to be nominated for various public positions in traditional electoral cycles, but at the same time proves the inevitability of a revolution, for which he had already set a date. Naturally, this division is extremely conditional and even rather speculative, but at the same time indicates the flexibility of this "triumvirate"

Organizational construction of "Artpodgotovka" was unconventional way, developing rather horizontally. As we have noted in the previous report, V. Maltsev during his election campaign to the State Duma a fairly large number of fans appeared in the regions in addition to loyal viewers his vlog, and these fans, as far as one can tell, have become unite under the Artpodgotovka brand in social networks. Overwhelmingly in most cases, these were just "interest groups", not managed in any way and not leading any political activity. The situation has changed somewhat. after in January on the website of V. Maltsev "5.11.2017" (according to the date of the revolution), an interactive map of "walks" was created [5] , where everyone could declare their intention to hold such an action in their region, indicating the meeting point and route. This move mobilized some activists from such groups, and the groups themselves, although not all, were transformed from just news pages to the centers of coordination of street activity. However, there were quite traditional organizational construction steps have also been taken: at Artpodgotovka appeared their website, program and symbols. However, this movement remains horizontal, without a clear structure.

More traditional vertically integrated structure chose for itself the actively developing Nationalist Party, which in the winter announced that she had filed documents for registration with the Ministry of Justice. In registered The organizing committee of the party included members of the "New Opposition" I. Beletsky, Yu. Gorsky, D. Romanov-Russian and Andrei Petrovsky, as well as a number of other far-right activists. It is clear that the prospects for registration of a new party are practically zero, however, the very claim to this official status was, by design, leaders, give the organization weight. During winter-spring, traffic is sufficient actively engaged in the establishment of branches in the regions, which, as reported, in first of all, they should be included in the “walking movement”. At public events supporters of the Nationalist Party come out under the "imperial flags". From one on the other hand, this allows them to visually separate them from the New Opposition activists with Russian tricolors (although not only they use them) and supporters of V. Maltsev with own symbolism. On the other hand, the party actually "privatizes" "imperial flag", which is traditionally considered the banner of all nationalist movement, claiming leadership on the ruins of this movement in general and the Russian Association in particular.

The Nationalist Party is trying to win over local activists of the Association. On this issue, she seems to periodically there are frictions with the Committee "Nation and Freedom" (KNS) of Vladimir Basmanov, who claims the same "inheritance". For example, in one of his interview I. Beletsky accused V. Basmanov of capturing public and groups of ex-“Russians” on social networks, brings confusion to the ranks of supporters banned Association and refuses to cooperate. Really, V. Basmanov previously stated that he was not ready to take part in the party project supporters of Dmitry Demushkin, with whom, before his arrest, he had a clear conflict; in addition, as reported by the Nationalist Party, the leader of the KNU sent out its supporters are banned from participating in the actions of competitors.

As for the "New Opposition", in winter and spring it The organizing committee has undergone significant changes. In December the movement held conference, which identified the main leaders on the basis that each of them will represent one of the three directions to which they belong activists of the "New Opposition": I. Beletsky - nationalists, Vladimir Zalishchak - liberals, Mark Galperin - Democrats. Subsequently, the division into "main" and "minor" leaders were clearly blurred (or were blurred intentionally), and each from the members of the organizing committee, could, if he wanted, speak on behalf of the entire movement. Initially, I. Beletsky, Yury Gorsky, Andrey Petrovsky and Denis Romanov-Russian, and in February it was announced that they were included in The “new opposition” of Dmitry Demushkin, who was at that time under arrest, who, as reported, was supposed to participate in the management of the "New Opposition" through "trusted persons". Apparently, this step was taken in order to to support a nationalist under investigation. Besides D. Demushkin, unlike other nationalists who joined this movement, is a figure well-known media and has some authority. Later to the organizing committee joined by members of the Nationalist Party Valentin Alekseev and Konstantin Filin.

The inner kitchen of the "New Opposition" remained closed to public until a small split occurred in the spring. The split that affected not only this movement, but also the Nationalist Party, happened due to the fact that one of the central characters of the conflict was Yury, an activist of both organizations Gorsky.

As far as one can judge from rather fragmentary statements leaders, in April the members of the organizing committee had a dispute over which way the organization evolve further: become a vertically integrated organization with a fairly broad executive committee of 7-12 people and with a single speaker (for this path campaigned by Yu. Gorsky) or be a network horizontal structure (this option defended by M. Galperin) [6] . Apparently, most of the activists sided with Galperin. IN As a result, a group of three people emerged from the New Opposition: Gorsky and Dmitry Stepanov and Roman Kovalev, who supported him. Subsequently, the situation remained somewhat vague: this trio in public space called themselves speakers of the New Opposition, but at the same time, according to other members Organizing Committee, conducted a separate policy, and went separately at joint public actions. Thus, the opposing sides continued to act under one brand, which, apparently, was a kind of compromise with the goal avoid escalation of the conflict.

Y. Gorsky also left the ranks of the Nationalist Party and in May declared on the creation of his own organization called the New Right Alternative. As far as one can understand, the conflict between Yu. Gorsky and I. Beletsky became the reason - and also about the principles of traffic control. Possibly a personal relationship between the two nationalists lay at the basis of the situation that developed in the "New opposition." Apparently, in both cases, Yu. Gorsky was not satisfied with that the role assigned to him in the leadership. And it cannot be said that his departure is significant influenced these movements.

Around the election campaign of V. Maltsev concentrated and other nationalist groups from among the opponents of the Russian Spring, who continued adhere to the logic of joining the general protest movement.

One such group is the Committee already mentioned above. "Nation and Freedom" by V. Basmanov, who supported V. Maltsev in every possible way during his parliamentary campaign. Despite the fact that the KNS had clearly expressed its readiness to go on cooperation with Artpodgotovka, the Committee keeps apart, which, judging by apparently connected with the conflict with the Nationalist Party. In winter and spring activists The KNS continued to participate in many actions of the New Opposition and V. Maltsev, but did not try to enter into an alliance with them.

Of the organizational innovations at the KNS, one can name only appearance in the spring of a youth wing - the National Organization of Russian Youth (NORM), - which, however, has not shown itself yet. Generally, the period under review was rather unfortunate for the CND: a year ago, the Committee presented is the largest and most noticeable fragment of the Russian Association, and already in winter it in this field, the Nationalist Party pretty much squeezed out. Perhaps it affects the long absence of the leader of the KNS in Russia.

Another fragment of the Russian Association is national socialist movement "Black bloc" Vladimir Ratnikov (it is also part of the KNS), which in winter and spring, in addition to participating in some general protest actions, which will be discussed below, actively tried to find new forms attract supporters. The organization began to hold lectures, seminars, competitions and even launched her own radio, but, as far as one can tell, she did not particularly succeed in building up the workforce. According to published reports, the activities movement still causes rather low interest, its events are attended by small number of activists. It is noteworthy that in April from the "Black Bloc" was activist Edin Baghramyan was expelled, because of which the movement was criticized by other neo-Nazis and was nicknamed "Grubby block". The "Black Bloc" accused Baghramyan of betrayal, stating that National Socialist manner that he began to " lose control over his blood and show his non-white essence ... and betrayed Movement and Idea" [7] . What this all means in practice has not been reported, but perhaps Bagramyan's exception was just an attempt to increase its credibility among the NS activists.

Former associates of the "Black Bloc" - a moderate national conservative movement "Honor and Freedom" by Alexander Samokhin - could in winter-spring brag about even less success. As far as can be seen, no major the organization did not launch new projects and somewhat revived only towards the end spring. This is probably due to the fact that its leader A. Samokhin in February ended up in serious car accident and was busy with treatment.

A winter novelty was the emergence of a coalition of nationalist movements "Coordinating Council of National Forces" (CNS), proposed National Union of Russia (NSR) Vitaly Goryunov, Maxim Vakhromov and others. This small organization should be considered separately, since it, firstly, fundamentally not capital, and secondly, unlike all of the above, called on all willing opposition groups of nationalists to unite outside depending on their attitude to the topic of "Novorossiya" or their religious preferences.

In December, the leaders of the branches of the Slavic Force North-West" in St. Petersburg and Veliky Novgorod, Russian movement Vologda, the Novosibirsk organization "Siberia 18", the Oryol Front, the Pskov Russian veche republic, branches of the Russian People's Union (RUS) in Kaliningrad and Khabarovsk, as well as NSR cells in Yekaterinburg, Krasnoyarsk and Thule. Later, the leaders of the branches of the “Slavic Force” disappeared from the list of members. North-West" in St. Petersburg and Veliky Novgorod (they moved to the Party nationalists), but the last city still received its representation in new organization, since Dmitry Smirnov, who heads the Veliky Novgorod Russian United National Alliance (RONA).

It is expected that the Coordinating Council will be the first turn to engage in coordinated campaigns and public shares, which, thanks to the geographical spread of the member cells, can become the basis to hold such major events as the Russian March, or to create the illusion of “all-Russianness” for actions with a less ambitious agenda. But while the cops themselves almost did not show, including during the organization of the "Russian May Day", and the visible part of his work was reduced to the publication on social networks of news from organizations whose leaders are included in its composition.

On 21 January, the SCSC issued a policy statement in which declared his readiness to participate in civil protests, but at the same time declared about the intention to " oppose opposition forces that do not stand on national positions, in their actions, infringing on the interests of the people " [8] . Already in the spring it became known that the member of the CCNS Alexander Ivanov (ROS, Kaliningrad) joined the local branch of Open Russia, and later another member of the KSNS Georgy Pavlov (Pskov Russian Veche Republic) announced his readiness cooperate with Alexei Navalny.

Rally activity

Inclusion in the general protest movement

In winter and, especially, in spring, the rally activity of the ultra-right increasingly began to take place within the framework of general protest actions, which again became significant political phenomenon compared to 2016. Majority rejection far-right from emphasizing their traditional xenophobic agenda made their activities difficult to distinguish in the eyes of society from the general protest mainstream. It is clear that such a tactic is in many respects forced, but perhaps it should also be considered a conscious mimicry under the nationalist sector of the democratic movement (perhaps even by analogy with the Maidan).

In December, the most noticeable in terms of rally activity was the activity of the triumvirate of the Nationalist Party (then, in fact, not yet formed), "New Opposition" and "Artillery preparation". The only rally the organization of which was not a problem, since it took place in Hyde Park in Sokolniki, December 11 was held by Vyacheslav Maltsev. The action was dedicated to the protection Constitution and brought together several dozen people. Addressed the audience V. Maltsev, Yu. Gorsky and M. Galperin.

The triumvirate was unable to reach an agreement on the "anti-crisis" rally in Moscow, and then the New Opposition announced that after each refusal will continue to hold uncoordinated "people's gatherings" in defense of constitutionally guaranteed right to freedom of assembly and to the defense political prisoners.

The first such gathering was held on December 3 at the entrance to VDNKh and gathered several dozen people. Activists of the KNS also went to the action, but they positioned themselves as observers. As expected, the gathering is over. detention of several people, which played into the hands of the organizers, whose the event attracted media attention as a result. The second meeting took a month later, on January 14, on Chistoprudny Boulevard and also collected several dozen Human. This action ended with larger-scale detentions, which again prompted many media outlets pay attention to this, in general, very small event. The third gathering took place on February 18 and was held in an unconventional form: participants met at the metro station "Ulitsa 1905 Goda" and, accompanied by the police, reached metro station "Barrikadnaya"; along the way, the leaders spoke to gathered. Thus, the action turned out to be hybrid: a “people's gathering” plus "walk". Despite attempts by the New Opposition to promote this event as a "know-how" in street actions, this gathering attracted less attention, as there were no arrests.

In April, the New Opposition finally managed to agree its "anti-crisis rally", which took place on April 8 at the metro station "Ulitsa 1905” and brought together more than 100 people. In addition to the triumvirate, it adopted participation of the Russian Human Rights League (RPL) Vladimir (Istarkhov) Ivanov. Promotion attracted little attention, as the rally fell into the shadow of an anti-corruption action 26 Martha.

In addition to gatherings and rallies, in winter and spring, the New Opposition and her companions continued to conduct their "walks", which, starting in January, began to expand geographically very quickly. Recall that the idea of ​​"opposition walks" appeared in October 2016 in Moscow and was initiated by M. Galperin. essence the event is quite simple: activists without political symbols gather at a predetermined place and pass in a group through the streets of the city to some point where everyone can perform without the use of sound amplifying equipment in front of the audience. The main "chip" of the action is its regularity, since, according to the plan of the organizers, it should be held at least once a week. In Moscow the idea took root quite quickly, but spread to other cities slowly. As mentioned earlier, the situation changed when the Artpodgotovki website an interactive map of "walks" appeared, which allowed self-organization local supporters of V. Maltsev and/or other organizations. Number of cities in who regularly took walks, rose sharply from a few to several dozen and continued to grow quite steadily throughout the entire winter, covering more than 100 cities in March. Despite such a wide geography, stocks in most cases (except Moscow and St. Petersburg) are not particularly are popular and gather, as a rule, from 1–2 to 20 activists. In May, the number share reports began to decline, which is either caused by a decrease in the number walks, or it is connected with the reluctance of their organizers to "shine" once again. IN In general, the initiative can be safely considered successful, although attendance is more likely all, did not justify the hopes of the organizers. Perhaps the reason was that in the "walking movement” in the regions, there was a clear dominance of the activists of the “Artpodgotovka”, to which, due to the ambiguity of the figure of V. Maltsev, not everyone is ready to join. Perhaps, the periodic opposition of the action from the side also affected authorities: repeatedly (although it cannot be said that regularly) participants in “walks” got into cars.

The rest of the ultra-right groups during the winter months were they are inactive and if they carried out street actions, then they were quite insignificant. This explained not only by the passivity of nationalist groups, but also resistance from the authorities.

For example, in January the Nation and Freedom Committee announced intention to hold at the end of the month an all-Russian action in defense of the 26th article Constitution, but in the end he was only able to hold a picket of 6 people in Saratov. Approximately the same happened with the Russian National Front (RNF) coalition with the announced on January 21 with a large anti-communist rally: the RNF could not agree on it with the authorities.

The exception was a series of pickets of the "Other Russia" under the slogan “Donbass is Russia”, which took place on February 18 in several cities. On the pickets National Bolsheviks opposed the Minsk agreements and demanded that the DPR and LPR be included in composition of the Russian Federation. Pickets were held in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Vologda and Shakhty (Rostov region). Only the St. Petersburg action was noticeable in size, which was carried out jointly with other movements (including the Left Front) and brought together about 100 people. About 30 people gathered in Moscow.

Since February, far-right groups have been more active begins to be absorbed by participation in general opposition activities, and their independent actions fade into the background (not counting Russian May Day).

In winter, the main general protest action was already the traditional march in memory of Boris Nemtsov, which took place on February 26 in several cities of the country.

In Moscow, the procession was built "nationalist column”, in which activists of the Nationalist Party, the KNS, the Black Bloc marched and RPL. In total, the column read about 50-80 people. Separately marched "European column”, organized by the RONA group of Oleg Filatchev. She was joined activists of the "Honor and Freedom" group, but in total in the "European column" There were between 15 and 30 people.

It is noteworthy that after the action there was a small scandal: KNS published a report on the procession, which stated that it was his associates who formed nationalist column, and the representatives of the Nationalist Party walking in it were labeled as " former members now of the forbidden Association “Russians” » [9] . The Nationalist Party, in turn, published a rebuttal and stated that the Committee trying to simply appropriate other people's merits [10] .

The most significant general protest action of the spring was the street protests against corruption on March 26, which were initiated by Alexei Navalny. Main a mass of leaders of right-wing radical associations sharply condemned the mass detentions and beating up protesters. Photos of "Vintilov" were filled with nationalist public and were subsequently actively used for protest campaigning. However such unanimity was achieved only ex post facto.

Prior to the action, the ultra-right was divided into three unequal parts. First the group consisted of those who, with varying degrees of activity, called for do not walk the action, for example, E. Prosvirnin [11] , Igor Artemov (RONS) [12] , leaders RSF [13] and etc. The second group, mainly those who had previously relied on cooperation with liberal opposition, the action was actively supported. It can be attributed supporters of V. Maltsev, the Nationalist Party, the KNS, the Black Bloc, RONA, and also Dmitry Bobrov (ex-NSI) and the movement "Russian St. Petersburg" Dina Garina. Especially zealous members of the "New Opposition" and V. Maltsev, who called on all participants of the "walks" in all cities to join the action, and in Moscow they campaigned their supporters to come to the Belorussky railway station so that everyone can go together to side of the Kremlin. The third group ignored the action before it began, apparently believing that someone else's liberal event - this is, for example, the Russian imperial movement, NKD and others.

Although the action was arranged in such a way that it did not imply any "columns", the participation of these organizations was noticeable. It is noteworthy that part of the leaders of the Nationalist Party deliberately separated from their colleagues in triumvirate and advanced in advance in order to be “under the cameras” as close as possible to Alexei Navalny, who came to the rally. V. Maltsev with supporters and activists of the "New Opposition" marched in a separate group from the Belorussky railway station and joined the general mass of protesters on Tverskaya. Members of the Black Bloc found themselves in the thick of things at the monument to Alexander Pushkin, where the leader organization V. Ratnikov unfurled a flag with a Celtic cross and was immediately detained. TO Unfortunately, it is not possible to estimate the total number of nationalists, since how they are usually hard to distinguish in a crowd.

In St. Petersburg, D. Bobrov, activists of the Russian St. Petersburg movement, members of the local branch of the KNS, and others. It is noteworthy that formally both D. Bobrov and D. Garina’s supporters positioned themselves as "observers". Leaders were also present. local "opposition walk".

Just like in Moscow, in other cities it is impossible to assess what proportion of the participants were supporters of certain ultra-right associations. One can only assume that in those cities where the protests took place and where before “walks” were regularly held, the number of nationalists was higher than in other cities.

March 26 was a turning point, from which a sharp the rise of general opposition activity, within which the nationalists became a little get lost.

The next big reason for the far right to take to the streets was the action "#Tired", which was carried out on April 29 by the "Open Russia" movement. In Moscow it was attended by several supporters of the Nationalist Party and RONA. The activists of the KNS tried to stand out, who, instead of send appeals to Vladimir Putin do not run for a new presidential term (in this form, the action was planned by Open Russia), they offered supporters to send letters to United Russia deputies demanding " to go over to the side of the people ". Judging by Overall, this initiative did not find much support. Anyway, nationalists took part in the "#Tired" campaign in at least 9 more cities (Veliky Novgorod, Vologda, Kaliningrad, Kostroma, Lipetsk, Perm, Pskov, Sergiev Posad and Ulyanovsk), but never took more than 10-15 people outside.

This action is interesting primarily because it showed: exits of nationalists to public events together with liberals have ceased be a purely metropolitan phenomenon or the prerogative of "walks" and gradually spread across the regions.

The richest in the general opposition, however, purely Moscow, the shares became May, when they took place as many as three.

May 6 rally on Sakharov Avenue "Against political repression” was probably the most successful for the far right. From nationalists took part in it: at least 10 people from the group "National Revolutionary avant-garde (NRA); several adherents of the Volya party of Svetlana Peunova; some supporters of RONA; 6-7 KNS activists headed by Vladimir Burmistrov. Representatives The parties of nationalists, "Artillery Preparation" and "New Opposition" formed a group of about 30 people. Right-wing radicals did everything possible to be noticed by others participants: loudly chanted their slogans, brought a lot of flags, dispersed over the area, etc. V. Maltsev and V. Alekseev spoke from the stage, as well as a representative of the "Association of Carriers of Russia" under the "imperial flag".

Much less successful was the next big general opposition a rally - an action against the "renovation" on the same Sakharov Avenue on May 14th. IN The presence of nationalists was completely invisible to the 20,000-strong crowd. The ultra-right tried to rehabilitate themselves at the next, much smaller, actions against "renovation" on May 28. The event was organized in the form of a procession, and the nationalists, as often happens, broke up into several separate groups. Supporters of the same New Opposition, Artillery Preparation, Nationalist parties, KNS, RONA, Honor and Freedom and NRA. the most numerous There was a triumvirate group of about 30 people. In this procession they behaved somewhat more aggressively than on the previous ones, trying to stand out from of the general crowd gathered: loudly, through a megaphone, they chanted traditional slogans (“One of all and all for one!”, “Cancel 282!”, “Freedom to Dmitry Demushkin! etc.), even threw up their hands in a Nazi salute, and at the end events began to make their way to the stage through the crowd, sometimes pushing others participants. True, only V. Maltsev spoke from the stage.

As you can see, many groups of nationalists come to general protest actions, however, the total number of their activists remains very low. Where attendance is calculable, nationalists tend to boast no more than 60-70 activists even in Moscow. Apparently, this explained by the reluctance of rank-and-file ultra-rightists to take to the streets along with liberals, unbridgeable splits, and mistrust of far-right political leaders.

In addition to the above, both in Moscow and in the regions for the spring months have passed many small actions of nationalists on a variety of topics, most the most common of which was the defense of far-right prisoners. Costs add that many nationalists, attending general protest actions, tried to draw attention to criminal cases against their associates. For example, KNS often marched from banners in support of Alexander Belov, and the Party nationalists seem to appear everywhere with a poster demanding release D. Demushkin.

Traditional promotions

The ultra-right did not forget their traditional reasons to come out on square.

The first action, which opens a series of annually celebrated Nationalist dates is the "Day of Heroes", which is held at the end of February - early March in memory of the Pskov paratroopers who died in the second Chechen war war in the Argun Gorge. In 2017, the action took place on March 4. Leaders in Moscow Nationalist parties laid flowers at the monument to paratroopers. IN Petersburg, a dozen NDP activists gathered on Serafimovsky a cemetery where flowers were laid at the monument to Lieutenant Dmitry Kozhemyakin, who died in Chechnya in 2000. As far as we know, the action in the federal on a large scale this year, no one began to organize, and in the regions nothing significant has not been done. Judging by recent years, the "Day of Heroes" as, however, and the rest of the annual actions, once initiated by the DPNI, gradually disappear into the past and every year attract less and less attention.

It is worth adding that, either as an alternative or additions to the moribund action this year its "Day of Heroes" - "Day of Heroes of the National Assembly" - carried out the Black Block. On March 16, several activists in some forest park lit torches and a fire in the form of a swastika and were photographed with the NSDAP flag. Bye it is not clear why the action was timed to March 16 and whether it will be held annually.

The next annual campaign was not particularly successful either - “Day of the Russian Nation”, which is held on April 5 by the “Other Russia” (on the anniversary of battles on Lake Peipsi). The action was held in 8 cities and became the most massive Moscow, which brought together about 60-70 activists. A year ago "Russian Nation Day" Other Russians were able to hold in twice as many cities, including St. Petersburg.

Partly more successful was the main thing for the nationalists spring event - "Russian May Day".

Two main actions of the ultra-right took place in Moscow, one of which took place on April 29 (conducted by the RNF), and the second - on May 1 (conducted by the Party of Nationalists), both - from the Oktyabrskoye Pole metro station to the Shchukinskaya metro station. Third tried organize the "Black Bloc", but did not succeed.

The RFN march was held under the slogan "For the people's trial of the oligarchs and corrupt officials. The procession was attended by the party "Great Russia" Andrei Savelyeva, "People's Militia of Russia" (NOR, formerly - "People's Militia named after K. Minin and D. Pozharsky, NOMP), Initiative Group for the Referendum “For Responsible Power” (IGPR “ZOV”, formerly the banned Army of the Will of the People), Russian Imperial Movement (RID), supporters of Svetlana Peunova (banned Volya Party), the movement For the Nationalization and Deprivatization of Strategic resources of the country" Vladimir Filin, Association of Carriers of Russia (OPR), movement "Muscovites against demolition", two people with the flag "For dry law", representatives of the Cossacks. At the procession were seen: ex-deputy from the Liberal Democratic Party Nikolai Kuryanovich, head of the Institute of High Communitarianism Kirill Myamlin, Elena Rokhlina (Foundation for the Support of Russian Political Prisoners), a veteran of the nationalist movement Alexander Ivanov-Sukharevsky, Maxim Kalashnikov (publicist imperial-patriotic persuasion, one of the authors of the "Russian Doctrine").

In total, according to the calculations of our observers, the shares took participation of about 200 people, which is twice as many as a year ago, and approximately the same as in 2015. Most likely, the increase is associated with the appearance in in the ranks of the march of a group of supporters of the Volya party and the Association of Carriers of Russia. In addition, the more successful choice of the date of the march, which fell on the first day of the weekend, and not in their middle, like a year ago.

The second march, as mentioned above, was carried out by the Party nationalists. Unlike the RSF, the organization managed to agree only procession, but not a rally. Representatives of the following movements: Orthodox gonfalon bearers [14] , Nationalist Party, Artpodgotovka, NRA and RPL. On shares, except for the leaders of these organizations, M. Galperin was also present. Y. Gorsky carried the flag then not yet presented publicly by the New Right Alternative.

It is noteworthy that in comparison with the procession of the RNF, the march of the Party the nationalists were controlled by a significantly larger number of policemen. Not there were no arrests: 6 people, including Y. Gorsky, got into the police department.

About 150 people took part in the action of the Nationalist Party person, which is quite small, since the organization claims to be successor to the banned Association "Russians", which, in turn, gathered 500 or more people for Russian May Day. However, the last time The "Russians" were able to agree on a march in 2014, when rally activity ordinary activists was significantly higher.

Reduced somewhat (though probably not much) attendance of the march of the Nationalist Party that they did not accept participation of supporters of the KNS. Instead, the Committee held a conference on 1 May which were invited representatives of the liberal democratic movements. IN during the conference, the KNU tried to advance its campaign to boycott the United Russia" and President Putin. Vladimir Burmistrov, Evgeny Wagner and Georgy Shishkin, and from the rest of the movements Yuri Bogomolov (Ryazan branch of PARNAS); Volodymyr Zalishchak ("New Opposition"), Sergei Erokhov (Democratic Choice) and Denis Styazhkin (December 5 Party). About some no real agreements reached during the conference were reported.

In addition to Moscow, "Russian May Day" has become more or less massive in St. Petersburg, where the far-right, as usual, joined citywide procession and marched in it in two separate columns. In the first went activists from the NDP, the RNF, the movements "Russian St. Petersburg", "Great Russia" and others - about 40 people. The second column called "Irreconcilable", organized by “North-West with Slavic Force”, was held under black flags with a banner “Stop feeding the parasites” – about 25 people. In this column also passed Igor Mogilev, organizer of the Russian Marches in Volgograd. A year ago procession passed by the same columns of approximately the same number.

The rest of the actions looked unconvincing and took place in Kaliningrad (about 15 people), Kostroma (10 people) and Pskov (6 people). This year, the example of Yekaterinburg has become quite indicative, where for the first time since 2012 "Russian May Day" was decided not to arrange. As one of the traditional its organizers Maxim Vakhromov: “ People a bit tired of this event. Of the 8 members of the local committee to conduct only two bowed ” [15] .

Thus, in addition to Moscow, the processions took place only at 4 cities, one less than last year. As we have already noted, despite on the abundance of ultra-right rally initiatives, the street activity of ordinary right-wing radicals remains low. In addition, the shares are likely to have been affected by pressure from law enforcement agencies and authorities, who often simply refuse to coordinate their marches with the nationalists.

Separately, their May Day processions were held by the movement “Other Russia". The actions were held in Moscow (about 20-30 people, led by Eduard Limonov), St. Petersburg (also about 20-30 people), Krasnoyarsk (no more 20), Nizhny Novgorod (about 10–15), Veliky Novgorod, Volgograd, Sarov, Taganrog and Ulyanovsk (several activists each). It's not very clear why the party decided this year to distance itself from far-right organizations, although earlier in a number of regions they acted together.

The tradition of rallies in memory of those who died in the House of Trade Unions in Odessa on May 2, 2014, laid down by the NDP and the "January 25 Committee" (rallies took place in several cities) actually broke off. Same groups limited to laying flowers in Moscow and Tomsk.

In general, it is not surprising that under the current conditions traditional actions are not given to the nationalists and ordinary activists who were still recently "regulars", they are badly visited. The split on the ultra-right field and failed to overcome, which means that rallies and processions are obviously less massive; autonomous nationalists do not have the opportunity to take to the streets under their xenophobic slogans; stocks shrink geographically as their often it is simply impossible to coordinate in the regions, etc. In this situation for ordinary activists to take to the streets is often seen as a matter of meaningless, and in a situation of pressure on the ultra-right environment, it is also dangerous.

Other activity

In the winter-spring of 2016–2017, the nationalists continued conduct raids with different social agendas, although their number continues steadily declining since 2014. Recall that in recent years this area has also suffered. due to the activity of law enforcement agencies, as a result of which against the leaders many large raid groups (Nikolai Bondarik, Dmitry Bobrov, Dmitry Yevtushenko, Alexei Kolegov, Maxim Martsinkevich and others) were initiated criminal cases, and some ended up behind bars.

The most popular raids in the past against identifying the places of residence of “illegal migrants” are almost no longer carried out, at least notable nationalist organizations. Rarely seen another, close to it, type of raids - identifying places of illegal trade (for obvious reasons, nationalists are attracted primarily by merchants with “non-Slavic appearance), although here, too, the number of initiatives is declining. For example, I tried to engage in similar activities a year ago The national conservative movement of Valentina Bobrova, but left this idea; it was also abandoned by the leader of the banned NSI, D. Bobrov, who carried out his “cleansing operations” in St. Petersburg. Two similar raids in winter and spring were carried out by the Citadel project movement "Black bloc", but this activity does not attract its former attention.

Nationalist raids remain more common. anti-alcohol agenda, and the most famous in this area are groups "Sober Yards" and "Lion Against". Both organizations fight alcohol drinking drinks in public places, and if the "Sober Yards", as a rule, try to shame the violators and offer them to pour out their own alcohol, then "Lion Against" more often takes away alcohol by force than, naturally, causes conflicts and provokes fights.

The moral agenda is also being defended by those raid groups that are fighting against advertisements for sex salons and, in general, against illegal posting ads. Such raids are also fraught with violence, as they can escalate into attacks on the salons themselves and the stickers.

In general, it can be noted that the raid activity has ceased to be a mass phenomenon and has lost its former significance Raid projects nationalists increasingly prefer other forms of activity that are not so attractive attention.

For example, those that became popular after aggravation of the conflict in Ukraine, numerous military training courses and communities conducting various kinds of combat training (knife or hand-to-hand combat), but the excitement around them has clearly subsided. Apparently the demand on such courses, which increased sharply in response to the general militarization, was satisfied; at this stage, the pages of nationalists in social networks ceased to be full of advertising of old and new initiatives of this kind.

However, different kinds of training groups often viewed by politically active ultra-right movements as source to build your base. That is why nationalist organizations try to develop military-sports initiatives close to them, and if there are any not available, are trying to build relationships with the Autonomous Communities.

For example, the KNS in the spring began to call on all comers join the training that the movement conducts either on its own or along with members of the Asgard Time community (a racist neo-pagan community in social network "VKontakte", conducting sports and military-patriotic Events). The Russian imperial movement is still actively inviting to its club "Reserve", where anyone can take a course of military training, and the Party nationalists pays attention to the School of Cossack knife fighting, which continued its work after the arrest of its creator D. Demushkin.

It is also worth noting the growing attractiveness of various public discussions, lectures, round tables, conferences, which leaders the far right is getting more and more attention. This activity is more typical for supporters of the "Russian Spring", who are more passive in other formats, but not just for them.

In April-May, the nationalists began to prepare for a new the electoral cycle, and there is evidence of the intention of some of them run in the September municipal elections in Moscow. For example, from KNS plans to run for the leader of the Moscow branch of the organization V. Burmistrov, who asked PARNAS to support him. Your candidate Pavel Folomkin, puts forward the movement "Honor and Freedom". It is worth noting the appearance in April, a municipal coalition called "Moscow and Muscovites"; her created by Alexey Zhivov (Russian Civil Society), Rostislav Antonov (Civil Patrol, ex-PDP), Mikhail Butrimov (My Yard, Motherland Party) and others. The posts of chairmen were taken by a member of the Civic Chamber of Russia Georgy Fedorov, associated with the nationalists, as well as the leader of the Blue Buckets movement Petr Shkumatov. The project was also supported by the NDP. Not everyone who announced readiness join a new coalition, can be classified as right-wing radicals, but moderate nationalists in it, apparently, quantitatively dominate. It's not very clear how it was the coalition that developed because its activities are poorly covered and pages on social networks are filled with news about Moscow problems, for example, about the painful topic of "renovation". The coalition conducts trainings on preparation for elections to municipal deputies. Of the nationalists from her, As far as one can judge, Nadezhda Shalimova (PDP) and M. Butrimov.

Pressure on the ultra-right environment

In the winter-spring of 2016–2017, law enforcement agencies continued to show increased attention to the leaders of the most active opposition organizations of the ultra-right.

During the period under review, a comparative a small number of new criminal cases. This can hardly be considered a sign decrease in pressure, rather a respite - a consequence of the fact that most active nationalist oppositionists are already under investigation or have already sentence was passed. Thus, in six months the following criminal cases were initiated. affairs:

• IN April was detained the head of the Novosibirsk group "Siberia 18" Alexei Bakhtin, who is a suspect under Part 2 of Art. 213 of the Criminal Code (“Hooliganism motivated national hatred") in connection with the case of the beating of a student from Kyrgyzstan.
• IN May it became known about the initiation of proceedings under Art. 282 of the Criminal Code (“Inciting a national hatred") against the leader of the Russian Human Rights League (RPL) Vladimir (Istarkhov) Ivanova. The search in his house was shown on the NTV channel.
• IN In May, a criminal case was initiated under Art. 282 ¹ Criminal Code ("Organization of extremist community") against the former leader of the movement of the Baltic Russian avant-garde resistance (BARS) Alexander Orshulevich, as well as the current head of BARS Igor Ivanov and an associate of the organization, Nikolai Mamaev [16] .

Insufficiently active institution of new criminal cases in winter-spring was more than offset by a sharp jump in the number of other forms of pressure: detentions, searches and initiation of administrative cases [17] . Most often, the attention of law enforcement agencies was riveted to the most active in holding street actions and leaders of the Party associated with the liberal opposition nationalists and the Artpodgotovka movement. Their example clearly shows the scope application of administrative penalties.

• IN December against the leaders of the Nationalist Party Ivan Beletsky and Yury Gorsky Two administrative cases were initiated under Art. 20.2 of the Code of Administrative Offenses (“Violation of the established organization of the rally). Both nationalists were fined.
• In the evening March 26, after the Moscow anti-corruption campaign of Alexei Navalny, was detained and later fined, apparently under the same article, another leader of the party Denis Romanov-Russian.
• IN In early April, during one of the "opposition walks", the same thing happened to the co-chairman party Konstantin Filin.
• IN April against the leader of "Artpodgotovka" Vyacheslav Maltsev and his assistant Konstantin Zelenin, administrative cases were initiated under Art. 19.3 of the Code of Administrative Offenses (“Disobedience requirements of the police officers”) on the fact of their participation in the rally on March 26. Except In addition, V. Maltsev, apparently, received the status of a witness in the case of an attack on riot police officer at this event. Both activists were sentenced to 15 days of administrative arrest, but charges of assaulting a police officer were not put forward. It is worth adding that the detention of V. Maltsev, who was in witness status, took place in a manner more like a counter-terrorist operation: the police broke down the door of the oppositionist in his Saratov apartment and the detainee was transported by plane to Moscow, although he had a heart attack attack.
• IN April, in connection with the same action on March 26, I. Beletsky was detained and interrogated and Y. Gorsky. Although both activists were not present at the rally on March 26, in their apartments were searched. It is worth adding that Yu. Gorsky as a result of the search “earned” another administrative fine, this time under Art. 17.7 of the Code of Administrative Offenses (“Failure to comply requirements of the investigator conducting the proceedings on the case administrative offense"), for shouting and waving his fists at an investigator who did not take off his shoes in his apartment.
• IN May after the "Russian March" Gorsky was sentenced to a fine and 3 days administrative arrest on the basis of Art.Article. 19.3 and 20.2 of the Code of Administrative Offenses.

Of course, it cannot be unequivocally stated that all these cases were started illegally, but their number makes us talk about political motives for their arousal. It seems that the authorities see in the nationalists a potential "militant vanguard" of the protest movement and react accordingly. If the authorities really assess the situation in this way, then this assessment is not without foundation, but still greatly exaggerated. Nationalists are happy to distribute information about their "misadventures", and such cases draw attention to them media and other opposition groups.

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[1] For more information about the creation of the Committee, see: Alperovich V. Yudina N. Old problems and new alliances. Xenophobia and radical nationalism and opposition to them in 2016 year in Russia // SOVA Center. 2017. March 22 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/publications/2017/03/d36630/).

[2] Prosvirnin at the ORDN meeting // Youtube.com. 2017. January 23.

[3] Strelkov at the ORND meeting // Youtube.com. 2017. January 21.

[4] For more details, see: Alperovich V., Yudina N. Old problems and new alliances...

[5] Initially, the action was called "Opposition Walk", but on the website of V. Maltsev it called "Walks of Free People". As a result, in the public space both names are used.

[6] "New opposition” splits into two // Nezavisimaya Gazeta. 2017. May 31 (http://www.ng.ru/politics/2017-05-31/3_6999_newopposicia.html).

[7] Black Block without grubby. Edin Bagramyan unsubscribed from the National Assembly of the Movement // VKontakte. Page the Black Bloc movement. May 26, 2017

[8] Software statement of the Coordinating Council of the National Forces // Facebook. Page of the National Union of Russia. 2017. January 21.

[9] Committee "Nation and Freedom" took part in the march against political terror // VKontakte. Page of the Nation and Freedom Committee. February 27, 2017

[10] ANNOUNCEMENT. From the Organizing Committee of the "Party of Nationalists" // VKontakte. Ivan Beletsky's page. February 27, 2017

[11] On I'm not going to the rally tomorrow // VKontakte. Egor Prosvirnin's page. March 25, 2017

[12] Go whether to the rallies of Navalny and Voronenkov in Kyiv // Youtube.com. March 23, 2017

[13] ...Russians People! Don't forget, Navalny, Maltsev and other leaders of these protests events - the people of the SYSTEM // VKontakte. Page of the Russian National front. March 27, 2017

[14] A group that broke away from the Leonidas Union of Orthodox Banner Bearers Simonovich-Niksic.

[15] Nationalists Yekaterinburg is tired of the "Russian March" // Open Russia. 2017. April 27.

[16] Kaliningrad: three members of the "Baltic Vanguard of Russian Resistance" arrested // Center "Owl". 2017. May 29 (http://www.sova-center.ru/racism-xenophobia/news/counteraction/2017/05/d37177/).

[17] A also by opening a number of new cases already in the summer, which led to an escape from Russia V. Maltsev and Yu. Gorsky, but these events lie outside the chronological the scope of the report.

Sources

• Alperovich V. Ultra-right in protest. Winter-spring 2016-2017 // Polit.ru. 2017. August 10.