Every day Navalny

Let's sum up our election results: what kind of persecution did the opposition candidate and those who support him face? Alexei Navalny announced his intention to run for president on December 13, 2016. In the year and three months since then, we have written almost every day about the persecution of him and those involved in his election campaign.

We analyzed the materials we published and tell you how and who the authorities persecuted, and what authorities were involved in this.

Each circle in this picture shows a news group about the persecution of supporters of Alexei Navalny during the presidential campaign and boycott of the elections. News is grouped by the institution exerting the pressure (the subject of the persecution), by the persons or entities being persecuted (the object of the persecution) and by the type of pressure applied (the method of persecution). The size of the circle corresponds to the number of news items in the group. Hover your cursor over the circle to find out the number of news items in the group and the percentage of this news group from the entire array of data presented. To get detailed information about pressure methods, click on the circle.

How were Navalny's supporters persecuted?

Detentions()

The most common type of stalking.

Navalny’s supporters were detained at rallies, pickets, processions, and campaign clean-up days, including those officially approved by the authorities. Sometimes the participants in the actions were approached several days or even months after the events - for example, in Murmansk, seven participants in the action on January 28 were detained only on March 14. The police took activists away from home, from school, work, from courts, where they came to support their comrades, and Navalny himself was once detained on the threshold of a dental clinic. People not directly related to the campaign were also detained: for example, in Kovrov, the director of a printing house that printed campaign leaflets was taken to the police department, and in Saratov , contractors who were installing a stage were taken away.

Read more about arrests at interregional protests below .

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Fines ()

Activists were fined mainly under articles of violating the procedure for holding a public event and disobeying the police. Thus, during the first month after the action on March 26, only Moscow courts issued fines in the amount of approximately 2,960,500 rubles, and in Nizhny Novgorod the participants were fined more than 400 thousand rubles. However, decisions to fine Navalny’s supporters were made not only for actions, but also, for example, for videos , photos with deputy Milonov and painting the facade .

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Mismatch()

City authorities regularly refused to coordinate the actions of campaign participants: the chosen places were occupied, the areas were unexpectedly closed for renovation, and the goals of the events were recognized as inconsistent with the Constitution. The alternative options offered by the mayor's office could not always suit the organizers - for example, in Nizhny Tagil activists were allowed to install a propaganda cube 90 kilometers from the city, and in Kazan the rally on June 12 was agreed upon only at 7 a.m. Sometimes the authorities rejected notifications en masse: for example, in Saratov they refused to approve 2,018 applications for rallies in different places at once, and in St. Petersburg they rejected 700 applications.

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Drawing up a protocol ()

Most often, protocols were drawn up against activists for disobeying the police (Article 19.3 of the Administrative Code) and violating the procedure for holding rallies (Article 20.2 of the Administrative Code). During the campaign period, cases began to be filed against Navalny’s supporters under Article 5.12 of the Administrative Code (distribution of campaign materials in violation of the law). There were also protocols under other articles: for example, cases of arbitrariness were opened against activists in St. Petersburg because of raincoats with the inscription “Navalny”, similar to a police uniform. Sometimes the cases did not relate to actions or were not formally connected with the politician’s campaign: for example, in Adygea, a volunteer from Navalny’s headquarters was accused of displaying a swastika because of an anti-war post with a picture.

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Administrative arrests ()

Courts arrested politicians' supporters en masse after large protests: for example, after the rally on March 26 in Moscow, 64 people ended up in special detention centers. Activists were awarded administrative arrests from one day to 30, but sometimes they ended up in custody for much longer: in St. Petersburg, the coordinator of the headquarters was detained immediately after leaving the special detention center, where he spent 30 days, and was arrested for another 25. The courts actively made decisions on arrests shortly before elections - for example, in the Leningrad region, the observation coordinator was arrested two days before them.

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Seizure of propaganda materials ()

Throughout the campaign, police officers made regular visits to regional headquarters to collect leaflets. Press walls and banners were also taken away - for example, because of the “chemical smell” or to check for extremism . Sometimes the police acted proactively and confiscated propaganda materials before they even reached the headquarters—in Vladimir and Kovrov , leaflets were taken from printing houses. In some cases, police considered campaign T-shirts to be campaign materials and confiscated them directly from activists.

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Searches ()

The police came to conduct searches both at the politician’s headquarters and at the homes of activists. This often happened before large rallies: on the eve of the “propaganda cleanup” on July 8, the police came to several regional headquarters at once, and before the rally on June 12, searches took place in the apartments of activists who participated in its organization.

Show all news on the topic### The court decision is upheld ()

Courts of second instance rejected appeals against decisions on fines , arrests , and compulsory labor and upheld sentences in criminal cases, for example, in the “March 26 Case.” Moscow and St. Petersburg courts from time to time considered appeals in a “conveyor mode”: after the June 12 rally in St. Petersburg, 45 complaints were rejected per day, and after the March 26 rally in Moscow , 23 complaints were rejected.

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Police visit ()

The police came to Navalny’s supporters at home, at work, at school, at their parents’ apartments, at regional headquarters - with searches, “conversations,” to draw up reports, or simply “for prevention.” Before large-scale actions, they came to their applicants - for example, in Tula the police came to the organizer of the meeting with Navalny, and in St. Petersburg the prosecutor’s office visited the applicant of the “Voter Strike”.

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Attacks()

During the campaign, both supporters of Alexei Navalny and himself were attacked. In March 2017, the politician was doused with brilliant green mixed with a caustic substance; as a result, Navalny was diagnosed with a chemical burn to his eye. In Stavropol, unknown persons hit the organizer of the picket on March 26 in the head, and in Vladivostok, a participant in the action on June 12 was attacked by Cossacks. The politician’s headquarters were also attacked: the Ufa headquarters were pelted with eggs, windows were broken in Kirov, and the headquarters in Krasnodar was attacked several times by members of “Putin’s Units.”

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Pressure at school and work ()

Students in different cities were threatened with expulsion and problems with their studies due to participation in rallies in support of Navalny or against corruption. For example, in Rostov-on-Don, college students, under threat of expulsion, were forced to sign a document stating that they would not go to a rally, and in the Saratov region, a school director threatened a student with problems with the FSB. Pressure was also put on the students’ parents: in Tula, class teachers called them and threatened to take “repressive measures” against the children. Navalny’s supporters also had troubles at work: for example, employees of the Yekaterinburg experimental design bureau were reprimanded after the rally.

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Threats()

Activists received threats both from unknown people and from police officers - in St. Petersburg, police threatened to plant firearm casings on a headquarters volunteer, and they promised to “poison their existence” to those arrested after the March 26 rally in Moscow, demanding that they “confess everything.” The politicians’ headquarters themselves were also put under pressure: in Moscow, the headquarters were covered with sheets of paper with threats, and in Nizhny Novgorod, unknown persons poured foam on the door of the premises and threatened its owner.

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Refusal to approve is recognized as legal ()

After city administrations refused to approve the shares, their applicants went to the courts - but even there, in most cases, they received refusals. The organizers' complaints were rejected in Tver , Vladivostok , Nizhny Novgorod and other cities. And in Kazan, the court recognized the refusal to approve 18 notifications of meetings with Navalny as legal .

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Interrogations ()

In most cases, the politician’s supporters were summoned for questioning in a criminal case opened after the March 26 protest, and teenagers in Moscow were even interrogated twice. Sometimes the interrogations were not formally related to Navalny’s campaign: for example, a volunteer of the headquarters in Voronezh in February 2018 was interrogated in a certain criminal case related to the arson of cars. In fact, according to the activist, he was asked about the action, headquarters staff and other volunteers. They were also called in for interrogation because of a photo on VKontakte and raising money for Navalny’s campaign.

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Mandatory work ()

Compulsory labor was imposed mainly for participation in protest actions: for example, after the “Voter Strike” on January 28, at least seven activists in different cities were sentenced to compulsory labor from 20 to 120 hours. And in Kostroma, a participant in an anti-corruption walk on March 26 was sentenced to 20 hours of compulsory labor for an unpaid fine.

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Call the police ()

Activists were called to the police to draw up reports, testify as witnesses, or just to “talk.” There were other reasons: for example, participants in the March 26 action in Moscow were invited to the police department to have their fingerprints taken and photographs taken. And one day the police came on the air of the “Cactus” program to summon the former head of the Moscow headquarters, Nikolai Lyaskin, to the department.

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“Conversations” with authorities ()

In most cases, the police held “conversations” with activists before and after large protests - for example, in Khanty-Mansiysk, police, together with the rector and vice-rector of the university, spent three hours dissuading a student from holding a picket on June 12, and a participant in the rally on March 26 in Krasnoyarsk received a call from the police and they asked how he felt about corruption. Sometimes they invited people into conversations with threats: in Udmurtia, the deputy head of the Ministry of Internal Affairspromised to “load” an activist with fines if he did not come to his office. Preventive conversations were held with activists who were detained and released without drawing up protocols: it is assumed that in this case the police explained to the “offenders” the consequences of their actions.

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Initiation of criminal cases ()

The most high-profile criminal cases were related to the protests on March 26 and June 12. After them, several people were accused of using violence against government officials - while one of the convicted came to the rally simply because his daughter decided to participate in the action. But cases against Navalny’s supporters were brought not only after the actions - for example, the coordinator of the headquarters in Volgograd was accused of rehabilitating Nazism because of a collage in which the face of the Motherland memorial is painted green.

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Extension of arrest ()

Basically, the courts extended the arrest of participants in the March 26 protests, accused of using violence against government officials. Once, the court extended the term of arrest in an administrative case - this was due to the fact that the arrested human rights activist Dinar Idrisov spent two days in the hospital.

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Refusal to file a claim/initiate a case ()

Cases based on statements by Navalny’s supporters were not opened as willingly as against them themselves. For example, in the Leningrad region, the police did not open a case after headquarters volunteers were attacked with a shovel: allegedly, it was “not possible” to establish the identities of the attackers. No cases were opened against the police officers in Petrozavodsk and Samara who beat up activists and journalists. And the courts have repeatedly refused to consider Navalny’s own claims: against Roskomnadzor , the Ministry of Justice , as well as a complaint against the election law.

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Dismissal/expulsion ()

In some cases, supporters of the politician were fired from their jobs or expelled from educational institutions after protests or because of their participation in the campaign. Thus, in Krasnodar, a military man was fired from service because of his participation in the “Voter Strike,” and in Yeisk, a gymnasium teacher lost his job after attending an anti-corruption rally. In Chita, the coordinator of Navalny’s headquarters was expelled from the university, and in Kaliningrad , the applicant for the anti-corruption action on June 12 was expelled due to “disrespect for the law and the court.”

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Pre-trial detention center ()

The courts sent several defendants in the “March 26 Case” and one defendant in the “June 12 Case” to pre-trial detention centers. A participant in the “Voter Strike” action in Moscow, who is suspected of using violence against police officers, was also taken into custody.

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Real term()

During the campaign, nine Navalny supporters were sentenced to imprisonment. In the “March 26 Case,” seven people received actual sentences ranging from eight months to three years and eight months, and one of the participants in the June 12 rally was sentenced to 2.5 years in prison. A volunteer of the headquarters in Cheboksary received a real sentence in a case unrelated to the actions: he was sentenced to two years and three months in a penal colony for a post on a social network.

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House arrest ()

The courts chose a written undertaking not to leave as a preventive measure against some defendants in the cases on March 26 and June 12. The same preventive measure was applied to Alexei Navalny and Pyotr Ofitserov in the “Kirovles Case”, prohibiting them from leaving Kirov. The coordinator of the Volgograd headquarters, accused of rehabilitating Nazism, was also initially given a written undertaking not to leave , but then placed under house arrest. A month later, the activist was again released on bail.

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Not allowed into the premises/event ()

Activists were not allowed into premises they had rented: for example, in Nizhny Novgorod, the owner did not allow Navalny into the premises that had been rented for a meeting with volunteers, and in Yeisk, supporters of the politician were not allowed to enter the headquarters during its opening. Participants were also sometimes not allowed into the venues of the protests - the Nizhny Novgorod mayor’s office, for example, closed the square where the meeting with Navalny was supposed to take place.

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Rental refusal ()

In some cities, the owners of premises rented by Navalny’s headquarters terminated contracts early and evicted the politician’s supporters. In Mytishchi, the owner hung a second lock on the door of the headquarters, and in Moscow, due to an unexpected decision to terminate the agreement, the Progress Party congress was disrupted. Activists believe that the authorities are putting pressure on the owners: the head of the headquarters in Kemerovo said that officials threatened the owners of the building.

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Conditional term ()

During Navalny’s campaign, the courts sentenced three participants in the protests on March 26 and June 12 to suspended sentences. Activists in Moscow , Petrozavodsk andVolgograd received suspended sentences ranging from a year to a year and a half. Navalny himself, as well as Pyotr Ofitserov,were sentenced to five and four years probation, respectively, in the Kirovles case.

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Other()

The authorities did not limit themselves to standard methods of pressure: in Blagoveshchensk activists were asked to write explanatory notes about explanatory notes, in St. Petersburg they released gas in the department where detainees were kept after the action, and in Irkutsk the court ordered the demolition of the bathroom of Navalny’s headquarters. Banks blocked accounts, unknown persons on behalf of politicians posted fake leaflets with a proposal to hold a gay pride parade, Cossacks who spoke at the headquarters were excommunicated , and life-size dolls once came to the Krasnodar headquarters.

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All-Russian promotions

Probably the greatest public attention to the persecution is associated with large all-Russian actions organized by Navalny’s headquarters. It makes sense to talk about them separately.

Anti-corruption actions March 26, 2017

On this day, large-scale protests took place in 97 cities across Russia . More than 1,500 people were detained, 1,043 of them in Moscow ; here the detentions took place in a rough manner , with the use of special means and physical violence. Most of the detainees were accused of various administrative offenses. The Tverskoy Court received more than 700 administrative cases , 64 people were sentenced to administrative arrests for a period of 2 to 25 days. The police also detained and brought to the departments about 70 minors.

In all regions of Russia where the protests took place, a massive wave of pressure began on the participants . Nine people in three cities became involved in criminal cases. They were accused of using violence against government officials. Nine people have already received sentences ranging from a year's probation to three years and eight months in a general regime colony.

Anti-corruption actions June 12, 2017

Actions were held in 154 cities of Russia. Unlawful arrests and beatings of participants by police were recorded at the protests. 1,769 people were detained in 31 cities.

Across 46 police departments, officers committed at least 109 serious violations of the law. In the 33rd department of St. Petersburg, police sprayed tear gas in the room with detainees.

Four participants in the June 12 protests in Moscow and St. Petersburg were charged with using violence against police officers. Two of the accused - Mikhail Galyashkin (Moscow) and Dmitry Myakshin (St. Petersburg) - were minors at the time of their arrest.

One participant in the rally in Moscow was sentenced to two and a half years in a general regime colony. In addition to using violence against a police officer, he was accused of hooliganism.

In St. Petersburg, a chess player who, according to investigators, hit a Russian Guard fighter in the back, was sentenced to a fine of 100 thousand rubles.

In Ufa, for speaking at a rally on June 12, a criminal case was opened against activist Rustem Mulyukov for public calls for extremism.

Propaganda cleanup day July 8, 2017

During the holiday period, Alexei Navalny’s headquarters held another all-Russian action, of a different format. On July 8, “campaign subbotniks” were held throughout the country, in which mainly volunteers and headquarters employees took part. More than 130 people were detained, 84 of them in Moscow . The arrests were accompanied by the seizure of leaflets, attacks, and in Ufa the police stopped the participants of the cleanup under the pretext of checking their bicycles against a database of stolen ones.

Rallies “For Navalny” October 7, 2017

After the Simonovsky Court in Moscow arrested the politician for 20 days on October 2 and thereby stopped his autumn tour of the country, rallies were organized in a number of Russian cities demanding that Navalny be allowed to participate in the elections. In total, 321 people were detained across Russia, some before the start or after the end of the action. In Moscow, where the action was not coordinated, two people were detained. Presumably, this was the beginning of a new strategy for the authorities in relation to large protests by Navalny’s supporters: in order not to attract unnecessary attention to the protests, it was decided not to organize mass arrests. They decided to focus the persecution on the organizers of the actions and move them outside the time frame of the event itself, when the focus of public attention was not so focused on the actions of the police. Some arrests related to this action took place several months later .

Presidential nomination December 24, 2017

On December 24, meetings of initiative groups to nominate Navalny for president were held in 20 cities. They, contrary to fears, passed with virtually no arrests . The day after the rally, a turning point in the campaign occurred - Alexei Navalny was denied registration as a presidential candidate, and the election campaign was reorganized into a voter strike movement.

Voter strike January 28, 2018

On January 28 , 371 people were detained at events within the framework of the “Voter Strike” action in different cities. In Moscow, where an uncoordinated action took place on Pushkin Square, and teenagers again, as on March 26, climbed onto street lamps, 16 people were detained. The following episode can serve as an illustration of the version of a deliberate change in the government’s strategy: on January 28, a minor participant in the action from Ufa called the OVD-Info hotline. He said that the police were going to draw up a report on an administrative violation against him, but upon learning that the detainee was going to report this to OVD-Info, they abandoned their intention.

However, the persecution of boycott supporters outside the action was regular and systematic.

Individual bursts of persecution of Navalny’s supporters in the regions can be traced during his “autumn tour,” when the politician traveled around the country and held meetings with voters. This is described in our material “Navalny’s Trail” .

Scope of persecution

OVD-Info does not have complete information about the pressure on Navalny’s supporters, but we can judge the scale of the persecution from the messages we received through our hotline and through other means of communication. The data that we always have at hand is the news from OVD-Info, and here we can safely say that only 41 days over the past year there were no news about the persecution of participants in the campaign for Navalny’s nomination or a voter strike.

The second obvious indicator is geographic coverage. We are not aware of persecution in only nine of the 83 constituent entities of the Russian Federation. In the remaining 75 regions and in Crimea, the authorities put pressure on campaign participants and we wrote about it.

In the interactive calendar linked to the map and presented below, we depicted a view of the campaign through the prism of OVD-Info. The date of reference to the calendar in this case is the date of persecution.

The calendar data below shows the intensity of harassment on each day of the presidential campaign. Each day is marked with a square on the heat map. Hover over a day to get the number of stalkings and the percentage of total stalkings.

The last row of the calendar shows the weekly heat map. Select with your mouse the period you are interested in to study the data on the map in detail. For example, you can compare the period of the election campaign and the boycott of the elections.

The map above shows news about the persecution of supporters of Alexei Navalny. The intensity of the color corresponds to the amount of persecution in the region. Hover over a region to get data on the number of persecutions, the dominant institution exerting pressure in the region by number of persecutions (subject), the dominant persecuted group (target), and the dominant type of pressure (method). Click on a region to obtain more detailed information about the subjects, objects and methods of persecution specific to that region. Using the calendar, you can also create a selection by region for a certain period and print links to information sources. Finally, you can see the dynamics of persecution both in individual regions and throughout Russia in weekly or monthly increments, to do this, use the buttons under the map.

Statistics from Navalny's headquarters

The scale of the persecution is also confirmed by statistics collected by Navalny’s federal headquarters. According to estimates provided to OVD-Info by the federal headquarters, participants in Navalny’s campaign from regional headquarters paid fines amounting to 17,547,758 rubles, spent a total of approximately seven and a half years in special detention centers and, in addition, received so many hours of compulsory labor that it would amount to more than one and a half years of free work, 8 hours a day without vacations for one person.

This map projects data from the federal headquarters of Alexei Navalny’s team about pressure on regional headquarters. The map shows fines (in rubles), arrests (in days) and correctional labor (in hours). The intensity of the red color corresponds to the amount of pressure applied. By hovering your cursor over a region, you will receive information about the amount (in rubles, days, hours) and the percentage of judicial collection of the total amount for all regions.

The relationship between subjects, objects and methods of persecution

In order to understand which institutions were involved in the persecution of various groups and to trace the relationship between them, we presented all the data in the form of this diagram. For example, you can see the percentage of pressure on students from school administrations.

Hover your cursor over the bars to see the number of news items
from all persecution

With the help of this diagram you can evaluate the relationship between the institutions exerting pressure, the groups being persecuted and the methods of persecution. The three circles represent objects, subjects and methods of persecution. By hovering your mouse over a fraction of the circle, you will see the percentage of the number of persecutions involving the specified subjects, objects and methods of persecution. Use the buttons below the diagram to select a basis for the persecution analysis.

Data

The visualization presented above is based on data obtained from publications on the OVD-Info website. The unit of count was the act of persecution, attributed by place, time, object, subject and type of pressure.

By subject is meant the authority that, at least legally, makes a decision on pressure.

Under the target are those people who have been persecuted (for example, volunteers, action participants, headquarters coordinators, etc.). The data does not reflect the number of those persecuted (for example, there were five volunteers detained at this time and in this place, or ten - it is not visible from these data). We tried to demonstrate the scale of the persecution in such numerical indicators as the number of those persecuted, the amount of fines, etc., using previous special projects of OVD-Info and data provided to us by Navalny’s headquarters.

You can download the source data here .

 Quantity Subject Object Method

Unknown Quantity Share

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