Go-getters

Investigation on how the Chekists privatized the national wealth

Mikhail Maglov, Roman Badanin, Maria Pevchikh Alexei Navalny’s team ×

, Dmitry Sukharev, with participation of Ivan Vasilyev, June 16, 2022

For more than 15 years, a group of Russian secret service officers has been carrying out secret business assignments, from dividing Yukos’ property to acquiring stakes in Gazprom’s most promising assets. Much of the luxury assets acquired by this group of “golden colonels” end up in the possession of Gazprom head Alexei Miller.

See also a profile of Gazprom head Alexei Miller, published concurrently by Alexei Navalny’s team →

“Gazprom is more than just a stock company. The country’s entire economy is largely based on the gas industry,” said President Vladimir Putin a year after he was first elected, in May 2001, when he announced to the team of the gas monopoly that his confidant Alexei Miller had been appointed head of the company. This phrase was true in every sense, even the ones that Putin probably would have preferred to hide. From the first day of his presidency, Gazprom became more than a state company; it became a source of personal wealth for Putin himself and his entourage, including people from the security services.

Unnational treasure

It all began with words about the state benefit. The president announced to Miller that his goal was to regain state control over the gas monopoly . By 2000 the state owned only 40% of the company, of which 35% was controlled by Rem Vyakhirev ×

. The new president and new CEO of Gazprom began by first establishing personal control over the company. Gazprom’s former management was purged within a year. “The new czar started asking me some pretty interesting questions. So I said: if I don’t keep my place, I’m leaving right now. When Putin heard that I was leaving, he was so happy that he made a phone call right in front of me […] instructing to issue an order,” Rem Vyakhirev, the previous head of Gazprom, recalled in his last interview.

Even earlier than Vyakhirev, former Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin, who was head of the Gazprom board of directors, was also expelled from the company. In 2000, Putin replaced him with Dmitri Medvedev, who was then just an obscure St. Petersburg lawyer. Within a year after Miller’s appointment, nine out of eleven other Yeltsin-era directors were removed from Gazprom’s management, one of whom even had to be kept in a detention center for a while. The person in question was Vyacheslav Sheremet, Vyakhirev’s first deputy and his closest man at Gazprom. He was detained in January 2002 along with the head of Sibur, Yakov Goldovsky. Sheremet would then be released on recognizance and ultimately remain free ×

. Putin and Miller’s acquaintances from St. Petersburg and the security services were brought in to fill the vacancies and put in charge of the gas giant’s most important subsidiaries.

Putin’s people at Gazprom ↓

How the number of people tied to Vladimir Putin on Gazprom’s board of directors grew

1999 — 1 of 12

Herman Gref First Deputy Minister of State Property. Worked with Putin at the St. Petersburg mayor’s office. He was appointed to Gazprom when Putin came to power

2002 — 5 of 12

Herman Gref

Alexei MillerChairman of Gazprom’s Management Committee, worked with Putin in the Committee for External Relations at the St. Petersburg mayor’s office

Mikhail SeredaHead of Gazprom’s Management Committee, Miller’s former deputy in the Baltic Pipeline System

Dmitry MedvedevWorked in the committee on foreign relations of St. Petersburg mayor’s office, which was chaired by Putin, in the 1990s. When Putin came to power, he became Chairman of the Gazprom Board of Directors.

Илья ЮжановMinister for Anti-Monopoly Policy and Support of Entrepreneurship, worked in St. Petersburg mayor’s office at the same time as Putin.

2022 — 6 of 12

Herman Gref

Mikhail Sereda

Andrey AkimovChairman of the Management Board of Gazprombank. Allegedly served in the KGB at one time with Putin, worked in Switzerland, and went undercover in Austria with future Gazprom colleagues Alexander Medvedev and Elena Burmistrova

Viktor ZubkovHead of Gazprom Board of Directors. Former prime minister and former deputy to Putin at the St. Petersburg mayor’s office. Among other merits, it was Zubkov who negotiated the allocation of land for the Ozero cottage cooperative, where Putin had his dacha.

Timur KulibayevHead of the Kazakh association of oil, gas and energy companies KAZENERGY and son-in-law of former president Nursultan Nazarbayev. He has been suspected of corruption on several occasions.

Denis ManturovMinister of Industry and Trade, longtime partner of Putin’s friend Sergey Chemezov.

In addition, during Vladimir Putin’s presidency, many people from the security services, former colleagues, acquaintances and even relatives of the head of state got into Gazprom’s management (the board and management of the most important subsidiaries). Among them are:

Mikhail PutinDeputy Chairman of Gazprom Management Committee, great-nephew of the Russian president, psychiatrist by training.

Elena BurmistrovaDeputy Chairman of Gazprom Management Committee, had previously worked at IMAG in Vienna with Andrei Akimov, a graduate of the Soviet security services and acquaintance of Putin.

Sergey KhomyakovDirector of Gazprom’s security service, former FSB officer.

Сергей Ушаков Khomyakov’s predecessor as director of Gazprom’s security service. From 1986, he headed the KGB and FSB divisions in St. Petersburg. First deputy director of the Federal Security Service since January 2007. Adviser to the Russian President in 2007-2012.

Valery Golubev Former deputy board chairman of Gazprom, Putin’s KGB colleague. During his time at Gazprom, Golubev became the subject of investigative reports about multibillion-dollar corruption.

Alexander Dyukov Chairman of the Management Board and CEO of Gazprom Neft. In the late 1990s, he worked with Miller at the St. Petersburg Sea Port, which at the time was controlled by the Malyshev gang, with which President Putin was in turn affiliated.

Matthias Warnig Managing Director of Nord Stream AG, the company that operates the Nord Stream gas pipeline. Former staff member of the GDR state security ministry (Stasi), has known Putin ever since.

Alexander KuznetsovCEO of Gazprom Komplektatsiya. Son-in-law of Maria Yentaltseva, Alexei Miller’s common-law wife

Yuri GorokhDeputy Head of the Gazprom Management Committee, Alexei Miller’s personal guard

Yuri ShamalovPresident of Gazfond Pension Savings Fund. Eldest son of the co-owner of Rossiya Bank Nikolai Shamalov, elder brother of Putin’s former son-in-law Kirill Shamalov

Yaroslav GolkoFirst Vice President of Gazprombank, member of Gazprom’s management board in 2007-2014. Closest acquaintance and business partner of Valery Golubev, Putin’s KGB colleague.

Alexander MedvedevCEO of Gazprom Export in 2002-2019. Deputy Chairman of Gazprom’s Management Committee in 2014-2019. In the 1990s, he worked in Austria and Switzerland together with Akimov. According to publications in the Western media, he was a staff agent of the KGB.

Люди Путина в “Газпроме”

Как росло число людей, связанных с Путиным, в совете директоров “Газпрома”:

1999 — 1

Герман Греф первый замминистра госимущества. Работал с Путиным в мэрии Санкт-Петербурга. Был назначен в “Газпром” с приходом Путина к власти

Арнгольт Беккер президент ОАО “Стройтрансгаз”

Рем Вяхиревпредседатель совета директоров “Газпрома”

Фарит Газизуллин зампред правительства, министр госимущества

Владимир Малин первый зампред Российского фонда федерального имущества

Лев Мироновглава профсоюза работников нефтяной, газовой отраслей промышленности и строительства

Виктор Тарасов президент НПФ “Газфонд”, председатель правления Газпромбанка

Виктор Черномырдинбывший председатель правительства

Вячеслав Шеремет зампред правления “Газпрома”

Игорь Шувалов глава Российского фонда федерального имущества

Виктор Щугорев гендиректор “Астраханьгазпром”

2002 — 5

Герман Греф первый замминистра госимущества

Алексей Миллерпредседатель правления “Газпрома”, работал с Путиным в комитете по внешним связям мэрии Петербурга

Михаил Середаглава аппарата правления “Газпрома”, бывший заместитель Миллера в Балтийской трубопроводной системе

Дмитрий МедведевВ 90-х работал в комитете по внешним связям мэрии Санкт-Петербурга, председателем которого являлся Путин. С приходом Путина стал председателем совета директоров “Газпрома

Илья Южановминистр по антимонопольной политике и поддержке предпринимательства, работал в мэрии Петербурга в одно время с Путиным

Александр Ананенков зампред правления “Газпрома”

Буркхард Бергманн глава немецкой компании Ruhrgas AG

Фарит Газизуллин министр имущественных отношений

Александра Левицкая первый замруководителя аппарата правительства

Борис Федоров представитель миноритарных акционеров “Газпрома”

Виктор Христенко зампред правительства

10 марта 2022 — 6

Алексей Миллерпредседатель правления “Газпрома”, работал с Путиным в комитете по внешним связям мэрии Петербурга

Михаил Середаглава аппарата правления “Газпрома”

Андрей Акимовпредседатель правления “Газпромбанка”. Предположительно служил в КГБ в одно время с Путиным, работал в Швейцарии, и Австрии под прикрытием вместе с будущими коллегами по структурам “Газпрома” Александром Медведевым и Еленой Бурмистровой

Виктор Зубковглава совета директоров “Газпрома”. Бывший премьер-министр, бывший зам Путина в комитете по внешним связям мэрии Петербурга. Среди прочих заслуг именно Зубков договаривался о выделении земли для строительства кооператива “Озеро”, где была дача Путина

Тимур Кулибаевглава совета директоров “Газпрома”. Бывший премьер-министр, бывший зам Путина в комитете по внешним связям мэрии Петербурга. Среди прочих заслуг именно Зубков договаривался о выделении земли для строительства кооператива “Озеро”, где была дача Путина

Денис Мантуровминистр промышленности и торговли, давний партнер друга Путина Сергея Чемезова

Виталий Маркеловзампред правления “Газпрома”

Виктор Мартынов ректор РГУ нефти и газа имени Губкина

Владимир Мау ректор РАНХиГС

Александр Новакзампред правительства

Николай Шульгинов министр энергетики

Кроме того, в руководство “Газпрома” (правление и менеджмент важнейших дочерних предприятий) за время президентства Владимира Путина попало множество выходцев из спецслужб, бывших коллег, знакомых и даже родственников главы государства. Среди них:

Михаил Путинзампред правления “Газпрома”, двоюродный племянник президента России, психиатр по образовани

Елена Бурмистровазампред правления “Газпрома”, прежде работала в Вене в компании IMAG вместе с Андреем Акимовым, выходцем из советских спецслужб, знакомым Путина.

Сергей Хомяковдиректор службы безопасности “Газпрома”, бывший сотрудник ФСБ.

Сергей Ушаков — предшественник Хомякова на должности директора службы безопасности “Газпрома”, с 1986 года руководил подразделениями КГБ и ФСБ в Санкт-Петербурге, с января 2007 г. — первый замдиректора Федеральной службы охраны. С 2007 по 2012 — советник президента России.

Валерий Голубев бывший зампред правления “Газпрома”, сослуживец Путина по КГБ. Во время работы в “Газпроме” становился героем журналистских расследований о многомиллиардной коррупции.

Александр Дюков предправления и гендиректор “Газпром нефть”. В конце 90-х работал с Миллером в Морском порту Петербурга, который в то время контролировался малышевской преступной группировкой, с которой в свою очередь имел связи президент Путин.

Александр Медведев
в 2002—2019 гг. гендиректор “Газпром экспорта». С 2014 по 2019 год — зампред правления ‘Газпрома’. В 90-х годах работал в Австрии и Швейцарии вместе с Акимовым. Согласно публикациям западных СМИ, являлся штатным агентом КГБ.

Юрий Шамаловпрезидент НПФ “Газфонд”. Старший сын совладельца банка “Россия” Николая Шамалова, старший брат бывшего зятя Путина Николая Шамалова.

Ярослав Голкопервый вице-президент Газпромбанка, член правления “Газпрома” с 2007 по 2014 годы — ближайший знакомый и бизнес-партнер Валерия Голубева, сослуживца Путина по КГБ.

Маттиас Варниг управляющий директор Nord Stream AG, компании, занимающейся эксплуатацией газопровода “Северный поток”. Бывший кадровый сотрудник министерства государственной безопасности ГДР (“Штази”), с тех пор знаком с Путиным.

Александр Кузнецовгенеральный директор ООО “Газпром комплектация”, зять Марии Ентальцевой — гражданской супруги Алексея Миллера

Юрий Горох заместитель руководителя аппарата правления ОАО “Газпром”, личный охранник Алексея Миллера

By 2005, control over Gazprom had formally been returned to the state, only to have the gas monopoly’s most lucrative assets soon fall into the hands of people closely tied to Putin.

How Sibur was taken over by Putin’s friends and relatives

Russia’s largest chemical company Sibur was once part of the gas giant, but in 2002 its president Yakov Goldovsky tried to get his business out of Gazprom’s control. Goldovsky was arrested in Miller’s reception room, Sibur was returned to Gazprom, and Goldovsky, who had spent some time in pre-trial detention, fled abroad. But in 2007 Gazprom left Sibur ownership, selling the company to Gazprombank. Gazprombank, in turn, ceded Sibur to a group of private shareholders, including Leonid Mikhelson, Putin’s friend Gennady Timchenko, and Kirill Shamalov, former son-in-law of the president.

How Sogaz was taken over by Putin’s friends and relatives

Sogaz is Russia’s largest insurance company, created in 1993 by Gazprom to serve its employees. Beginning in 2004, Gazprom ceded 50% of Sogaz’s shares in several stages to structures affiliated with Rossiya Bank, whose shareholders include Putin’s friends from St. Petersburg and his mistress Svetlana Krivonogikh. As of 2020, Sogaz shareholders included Tatiana and Yuri Kovalchuk, the president’s nephew Mikhail Shelomov, Gazprom, and several individuals also associated with Putin’s inner circle. Read more about how Sogaz was taken over by the right people below.

How Gazfond and part of Gazprombank were taken over by Putin’s friends and relatives

Gazprombank was created by Gazprom in 1990. In 2007, the bank acquired a new shareholder, Gazfond, the largest non-state pension fund. 50% + 1 share of the bank were received in exchange for the block of shares in Mosenergo owned by Gazfond. Gazprom lost control over Gazfond back in 2006. Several unnamed legal entities made a contribution and joined the founding members of the pension fund. It later turned out that the contributors who had received almost 60% of Gazfond were Sogaz and companies affiliated with Yuri Kovalchuk, the main shareholder of Rossiya Bank.

How Stroytransgaz was taken over by a friend of Putin’s

Stroytransgaz was founded in 1990 to serve Gazprom’s infrastructure needs. In the 1990s, Gazprom provided Stroytransgaz with 80% of its orders. The company’s main shareholders were the children of Gazprom head Rem Vyakhirev and Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin. After Vyakhirev was ousted as head of Gazprom, the blocking stake was purchased in the interests of Gazprom by Alisher Usmanov. Usmanov then stated that he had no interest in the deal and conducted it to Gazprom’s advantage. However, in December 2007 the structures of Putin’s friend Gennady Timchenko gained control of the company.

How Stroygazmontazh was taken over by another friend of Putin’s

In May 2008, within the framework of getting rid of non-core assets, Gazprom put up for sale controlling stakes in five of its contracting organizations: Lengazspetsstroy, Krasnodargazstroy, Spetsgazremstroy, Volgogradneftemash, and Volgogaz. These companies were bought by Putin’s friend Arkady Rotenberg and merged into one legal entity, Stroygazmontazh.

How Gazprom-Media was taken over by Putin’s friends and relatives

The Gazprom-Media holding company was created in 1998 to manage the media assets, which at the time were owned by Gazprom. In 2001-2002, Gazprom-Media seized the assets of oligarch Vladimir Gusinsky, who had fallen into disgrace — this was perceived as an act of political censorship. At present, Gazprom-Media is one of the country’s largest media holdings, controlling the television channels NTV, TNT, Match TV, TV-3 and Pyatnitsa, the radio stations Avtoradio, Yumor FM, Relax FM, Energy, the television production centers Comedy Club Production and Good Story Media, the publishing house 7 Days, the websites RuTube and Sportbox.ru, and the movie company Central Partnership. Gazprom-Media is now effectively controlled by Gazprombank and, through it, by Putin’s friends, among others.

How an employee of Putin and Miller gained control of Gazprom’s oil business

In September 2005, Gazprom bought 75.5% of Sibneft, subsequently renamed Gazpromneft, from Roman Abramovich. Just before the sale, Sibneft’s shares went up by more than 30%, boosting the price of the deal to $13.091 billion. According to former Deputy Energy Minister Vladimir Milov, the Russian budget lost at least $6.5 billion on this deal, and the deal itself was “a thank you to Abramovich for his help in the Yukos case.”

Alexander Dyukov and Aleksey Miller, 2016. Source: gazprom.ru

Another acquaintance of Putin and Miller, Alexander Dyukov, was put in charge of Gazpromneft. In the 1990s, he managed the St. Petersburg oil terminal and the St. Petersburg seaport, which at the time was controlled by Ilya Traber, an “influential businessman” who had been acquainted with Putin since the 1990s. Miller also worked at that port after 1996.

All of these mega-deals could not have happened without the approval of the head of Gazprom. Did Miller act only out of loyalty to his boss and his friends or did the head of Gazprom have his own material interest? To answer this question, we will tell you three stories.

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Story 1

How Alexey Miller created a mega-company dedicated to servicing himself

Not all of the Putin era billionaires were native Russians. The most famous example of another kind is Arab Ziyad Manasir, a Jordanian national who has made a spectacular career in Russia, where he moved as a student. In early 2013, at the peak of his career, Manasir’s fortune was estimated at $2.5 billion according to the Forbes ranking ×

— all thanks to the Gazprom contracts awarded to the enterprising Jordanian and his main company, Stroygazconsulting (SGK) between 2008 and 2012 alone, Manasir’s companies — Stroygazconsulting, SGK-Avtomatizatsiya, SGK-Truboprovodstroy, Orion-Stroy, and others were awarded $25 billion worth of contracts by the gas monopoly ×

.

When Manasir started working at gas projects in the Tyumen Oblast in the 1990s a man who had met him then recalls ×

, he put three jackets on top of one another and wrapped his head with a scarf to protect against the cold and had no prior experience working “up north”. Success came to him through acquaintances. “At first he was dog poor, but then he impressed me with his can-do attitude,” recalls a gas industry worker acquainted with Manasir. Manasir met Colonel General Alexander Grigoriev of the Federal Security Service, who brought him “[to the top] by pulling some strings” a person familiar with Manasir recalls ×

.

Grigoriev is one of Putin’s closest friends from his time in the KGB. This officer was known for working against dissidents, in particular, under the guise of the priest “Father Alexander,” keeping an eye on dissent in the church, including supervising the future Patriarch Alexy II, who was listed in reports under the codename “Drozdov.” “If you want to live with the big people, you gotta share,” said our interlocutor who knows Manasir.

Manasir did share: two remarkable persons became co-owners of his growing business: Olga Grigorieva, the daughter of this same Putin’s friend, and Major General of the Federal Security Service Anatoly Tkachuk, who owned no less than 35% of the company. Tkachuk, like Grigorieva, had nothing to do with the gas or construction industries but he did have something to do with intelligence. As an officer of the military counterintelligence of the KGB, Tkachuk worked abroad and in 1986 was sent to the site of the Chernobyl disaster. There he was checking the version of a terrorist attack by foreign special services

as Tkachuk himself admitted later in an interview with RIA-Novosti ×

. In addition to Manasir’s business, Tkachuk was listed as a co-owner or manager of many commodity companies

AO Rustitan, AO Rusminresursy, AO Rusecologiya ×

— such a career looks logical for a “seconded state security officer”. After leaving the equity of SGK, Tkachuk became president of the seemingly inconspicuous RFI-Bank. However, it was this financial institution that was involved in the grand scandal with the Wirecard payment system and its head, Jan Marsalek

many global media outlets wrote about it in detail ×

. Marsalek allegedly cooperated with the Russian secret services and fled to Russia or Belarus after the investigation against him began in Germany.

Not only did Manasir give shares in his company to the right people, he had for years been registering luxury properties designed for Gazprom’s top executives, primarily for Miller, in his name. According to The Project’s calculations, the Jordanian and companies associated with him owned at least a dozen properties associated with Gazprom’s management, including the Millerhof palace complex near Moscow, a country house in Sochi near the Laura ski resort, and many others. It also built and managed real estate objects that were secretly intended for the top state officials. It was SGK that ordered Putin’s palace in Gelendzhik, and in Sochi, Manasir’s company Svod International managed the ski resort where Putin and Dmitry Medvedev like to ski . It is now formally owned by Gazprom subsidiaries OOO Gazprom Upravlenie Aktivami KSN and OOO Gazprom Pitanie ×

. Everything looked like Manasir could feel secure about his well-being. So much so that he was one of the few guests at the secret wedding of Putin’s daughter Katerina Tikhonova and businessman Kirill Shamalov in 2013.

How Gazprom organized Putin’s skiing vacation in the Caucasus and blood baths in Altai ↓

Apart from tourist and sports facilities, Svod International is also in charge of the Achipse reception house for official guests. According to our interlocutor, who is familiar with the security features of the facility, the house is guarded on ordinary days by private security guards, and on the days of visits of President Putin — by FSO and the National Guard (Rosgvardiya). Putin staying at Achipsa is confirmed by the fact that on the days of his visit to Krasnaya Polyana, the president’s personal doctors stayed at the hotels owned by Svod. (* Read more about it in the investigation devoted to Vladimir Putin’s 70th birthday*) The Sobesednik also noted that Achipse has a single supplier of luxury goods and contractors who also work with Putin’s official residences.

Achipse is not the only facility formally registered to Gazprom, which is used by Putin for recreation. Construction of the “Altai Yard” in the Republic of Altai began in 2010. On the shore of the Katun River, a chalet, a maralnik (a pen for Altai deer, whose freshly cut antlers are used to prepare supposedly rejuvenating baths), a sports field, and administrative offices were built. A new road was built to the residence using federal money allocated by Putin. In 2015, Putin arrived at the site with his Italian friend Silvio Berlusconi. Putin also returned to Altai in August 2016 and February 2019.

However, in 2013 the warm relationship between Manasir and Gazprom came to an end that year Stroygazconsulting received only 32.1 billion rubles in contracts from Gazprom, whereas, for example, Stroygazmontazh won contracts for at least 207.7 billion rubles from the concern ×

. “It was an ideological split,” describes our source in the gas industry. “He was told to do something, and he didn’t want to do it. And he gave up everything according to the list of assets: this went there, that went there and that was it.” If we investigate to whom Manasir’s assets went, it becomes clear who they really belonged to all this time.

A long list of luxurious properties — houses and land plots in the suburbs of Moscow and Sochi, apartments in central Moscow and the buildings of the Millerhof palace complex on Istra — were transferred to legal entities affiliated with a man named Sergei Tregub

OOO Vladenie-V and OOO All-Russian Farmer Center ×

. Many of these properties are now used personally by Miller and his wife Marina Yentaltseva

Two sources who personally know both Miller and Yentaltseva told The Project that they are part of the same family. This is also confirmed by the common life and finances of Miller and Yentaltseva, as described in detail in a parallel piece by Alexei Navalny’s team ×

.

Like Miller, Yentaltseva began her career at the St. Petersburg city hall, was Putin’s secretary there, and when the latter was appointed president, she moved to the Kremlin, where she headed the president’s protocol for many years.

‘Ydypus complex’ and other complexes of Alexei Miller

There is a huge amount of luxury real estate and companies scattered all over the country — from the Black Sea to the Altai Mountains — that are registered to the entourage of the intelligence officer Sergei Tregub. Many of them are used by the head of Gazprom.

Estate in the Greenfield village ↓

Istra district, Moscow Oblast

In 2008, Stroygazconsulting began constructing estates in the elite village of Greenfield: one was intended for the company owner Ziyad Manasir, two for members of the company’s board of directors, and in 2014 Stroygazconsulting gave the largest palace, hidden behind a wall, to the aforementioned company Vladenie-V, which is controlled by Sergey Tregub and Alexander Smirnov.

Among other things, this estate houses a stable, as Miller is a passionate horseracing enthusiast. The Gazprom CEO owns several racehorses that regularly win competitions; in 2012, Miller headed the Board of Directors of Russian Hippodromes. In November 2020, the main land plots of the estate were re-registered to two persons whose identities were classified by the Rosreestr — instead of the owner’s name, the records now say “Russian Federation”. Despite the change in ownership, the estate’s maintenance bills are paid by Vladenie-V. The land under the heliport is leased to Litorus, a subsidiary of Vladenie-V. It is to this helipad that Gazprom’s Eurocopter regularly flies to deliver Miller from Ostafyevo Airport.

Millerhof estate ↓

Istra district, Moscow Oblast

The chic classic Villa Michetti manor with its landscape park and fountains was, as its creators claimed, built according to the designs of the Italian architect Nicola Michetti, who was the court architect of Peter the Great. But in 2009, after the construction became known thanks to accidental aerial photography, the manor was given the popular name “Millerhof”. Local residents said that the palace was being built for Alexei Miller. Gazprom denied its connection with the estate, but did not comment on connection with Miller himself. A cover-up operation was contrived: the owner of Stroygazconsulting, which built the palace, Ziyad Manasir, stated that Millerhof belongs to him and explained its size by the fact that he has a large family.

However, this is not true — Manasir “held” Millerhof in Miller’s interests, just like many other properties. This is proven simply: since 2014, the land plots under the palace and the six cottages next to it were taken over by the OOO All-National Farmer Center, which for some time was registered to Gazprombank structures. In December 2019, the company was taken over by the Cypriot Redensy Management. Sergei Tregub’s Ukrainian nephew Vadim works as the director of Redensy.

The Cypriot company Redensy Management belongs to the Seychelles offshore company Valentha Holdings. It is impossible to identify the true owner of Valentha Holding, but the version that it may be Alexey Miller is supported not only by the property which the company controls, but also by the purchase of Valentha Holding by the Cypriot company Belarton Investments owned by Vartan Vartanov. Vartanov was on the board of directors of Russian Hippodromes together with Miller.

Perhaps because of the scandal surrounding the construction, Miller never moved into the palace. Now Villa Michetti offers its facilities for weddings and other events. Tregub’s daughter, Valentina Khromova, works for the company. In February 2021, the Millerhof hosted a performance by Yevgeny Grishkovets, which was attended by Sergei Tregub himself.

Estate in Znamenskoye ↓

Odintsovsky district, Moscow Oblast

Construction of this hacienda on Rublyovka, registered to Vladenie-V, began in 2006. Next to the forest plot and the main 1800 m2 house there is an indoor pool, a tennis court and a landscape park. In addition to the main house, there are 5 more houses on the property with a total area of 3,500 m2. Until 2014 the land under the main house belonged to the state and was managed by the Rublevo-Uspensky medical and health complex of the Presidential Administration. In 2014, the land was sold to Agora Trade, which is controlled by Igor Omelchenko. In 2007, Omelchenko, as an employee of UCP United Capital Partners, Ilya Shcherbovich’s investment group; in 2012-2013 he was a member of Rosneft’s board of directors ×

, had power of attorney to represent OOO Prana and familiarized himself with lot #13 during the Yukos partition. In May 2018, the land was transferred to Vladenie-V.

In 2008, a house was built on the neighboring plot, which belongs to the ” Foundation for the Support of Socially Important Projects,” which is headed by classmates of Dmitry Medvedev. In his film “Don’t Call Him Dimon,” Alexei Navalny argues that the foundation is only a nominal owner, with Dmitry Medvedev being the actual owner. In his book “Rublyovka and Its Inhabitants”, Georgy Blumin wrote that Gazprom rents the mansion in Znamenskoye for Miller.

An elite complex of residences “Imperial Yacht Club” ↓

Krestovsky Island in St. Petersburg

One of the buildings near the heliport contains apartments with an area of at least 1,800 m2. The real estate is registered to AO Akrona, which is co-owned by the Seychelles-based Valentha Holdings, which owns the Cypriot Redensy Management.

In the same building there are apartments of Alexander Dyukov, Director of Gazprom Neft, and Alexander Kuznetsov, Head of Gazprom Komplektatsiya and son-in-law of Maria Yentaltseva, Alexey Miller’s common-law wife. Some other apartments are owned by a subsidiary of Gazprombank, which has been providing loans for the construction of this real estate.

Villa on the territory of the Rus health resort↓

Sochi, Krasnodar Krai

Villa #4, as it is called in the documents, is located on the territory of the Rus health resort that was once seized from Yukos. After the attack on Mikhail Khodorkovsky’s company, the health resort was taken over by the Presidential Administration, and people from Putin’s circle began to live on its premises, which were placed under the protection of the FSO. Since March 2020 Villa #4 belongs to Vladlenie-V. The previous owner was a Gazprom structure, but the land underneath the villa has been leased to Vladeniye-V since 2011. The neighboring villa is registered to Putin’s nephew Mikhail Shelomov.

Cottage on the territory of the Grand Hotel “Polyana”↓

Krasnaya Polyana, Krasnodar Krai

A place of seasonal rest for Gazprom’s top management. The cottages of Yury Gorokh, Deputy Head of Gazprom’s Management Committee and the closest person to Miller, who has been in charge of his security and protocol for many years, Gazprom’s Press-Secretary Sergey Kupriyanov, director of Ruskhimalliance (a joint venture between Gazprom and Arkady Rotenberg) Kirill Seleznev, son of Rosgvardia head Roman Zolotov, mother of Alina Kabaeva Lyubov, and, Gazprom Chairman of the Board of Directors Viktor Zubkov, all stand in the same area. The 334 m2 cottage registered to Vladenie-V is a typical cottage in a gated community to which ordinary people have limited access.

Villas in Sochi ↓

Krasnodar Krai

Miller’s nominees also own a luxury hotel facility in Sochi — Primorie Luxe Apartments. Nine villas with a total area of 7,400 m2 are registered at Vladenie-V. The apartments in the villas are available for rent and have a high rating of 9.6 on Booking.com. The company owns three more villas on a nearby street.

Five-star boutique hotel Gelendzhik-Park ↓

Krasnodar Krai

The hotel is located near the famous Putin’s palace in Gelendzhik, on the territory of Gazprom’s Kavkaz health resort. The hotel is located on the seafront, near the beach. It is registered to a subsidiary of Vladenie-V.

Шале и лес ↓

Vyborg district of Leningrad Oblast

The 37 hectares of forest and the newly built chalet are located next to the “Gazprom” villa community, where the estates of son of Gazprom’s head Mikhail Miller, Yuri Gorokh, Miller’s adviser Pavel Nikolayev and the company’s chief spokesman Sergey Kupriyanov are located. A large part of the forest belongs to OOO Lesnoe, a subsidiary of Vladenie-V, and a chalet is being built on the smaller part, which is registered to Promenergo, managed by Ilya Girevoy, a former FSB officer.

Ydyp eco-hotel ↓

shore of Lake Teletskoye, Altai Republic

The facility, which the documents call a hotel, was built by the firm “Recreational Systems”, 20% of which is owned by Vadim Tregub (Sergei Tregub’s nephew) and 80% by former FSB officer Akhkubek Akhkubekov. “Recreational Systems” is planning to build another eco-hotel on the shore of the Katun river in the village of Manzherok, investing 2.7 billion rubles. There is no reliable data on whether the facility is really a hotel open to all comers.

Altai red deer farm ↓

Altai Republic

Not far from Ydyp on Katun River in the Altai Republic, there is “Altai” red deer farm, 51% of which is owned by Sergei Sergeevich Tregub. It is possible to get used to pant baths and custom cosmetics with own production. Miller — a great connoisseur of the simplifying hinge procedure.

Ski resort ↓

Krasnodar Krai

From July 2014 to April 2021, Vladenie-V owned Svod International, which manages Gazprom’s facilities in Krasnaya Polyana near Sochi. In addition to the tourism facilities (two hotels, a skiing complex, and a ski slope), Svod owns the Achipse reception house for official guests, where Vladimir Putin regularly stays. Nearby is the estate of Dmitry Medvedev. It is in these hotels that Putin’s doctors were accommodated during his trips to the ski resort.

Apartments in Moscow ↓

Trubnikovsky Lane, $2,2 млн

Two neighboring apartments with a total area of 233 m2 in the Arbat district of Moscow had belonged to Ziyad Manasir since 2003, but in 2014 they were transferred to the OOO All-National Farmer Center

Two Mercedes-Maybach S 600 ↓

The cars are used by Gazprom head Alexey Miller. In 2018, a number of media outlets reported that the car in which Miller was traveling got into an accident on the way to Ostafyevo Airport. The company Vladenie-V owns two Mercedes-Maybach cars, the insurer of both is Gazprom. A car with license plate number O099CA98 was photographed back in 2012 in St. Petersburg back then it was a Mercedes-Maybach S 500 ×

, with an FC Zenit scarf sticking out of the passenger compartment. Back then, specialized forums suggested that this was Alexei Miller’s car. And the car accompanying Miller’s Maybach is regularly parked at the entrance to Gazprom’s office on the Angliyskaya Embankment of the Neva River.

Even more surprising is that after Manasir’s disgrace, Tregub received not only his luxury real estate, but also a substantial part of his business. Formally, Stroygazconsulting, Manasir’s main company, became part of Gazprom’s so-called “mega-contractor,” Gazstroyprom, after a series of perturbations in 2018. Gazstroyprom subsequently incorporated two of Gazprom’s other major contractors, Rotenberg’s Stroytransgaz and Timchenko’s Stroytransneftegaz. This merger of Gazprom’s own once-sold-out assets was presented as an attempt to save on the gas monopoly’s expenses.

In reality, it looks like one big swindle. Back in 2015, when Manasir’s “legacy” was being divided, almost 75 percent of SGK went to companies associated with Tregub and his patrons. These are OOO Ancord, Intek Group, and Legato, which through a chain of legal entities were controlled by offshore companies, the beneficiary of which is now another person with the surname Tregub, Sergei’s nephew Vadim Tregub.

In 2018, some of SGK’s assets began to be transferred out under the umbrella of the Sphera company. It was this part of Manasir’s former business that would become part of the “mega-contractor” by 2019, but SGK itself continued to exist SGK formally announced liquidation on June 8, 2022, a few days after The Project sent its questions to Sergei Tregub ×

. These are 23 production companies with a total book value of about $746 million. This still considerable business is owned through a chain of legal entities by offshore companies WOODIKO, ARIFY and INTOPIA ×

, the ultimate beneficiary of which is the same Vadim Tregub. Some of the SGK companies are terminating their activities, but not all of them. For example, Gaztechleasing stands out, which is still earning money from state contracts by leasing construction equipment, oil tankers, and aircraft. For example, three months ago the Komi Republic authorities allocated 1.8 billion rubles from the budget to pay off the debt to Gaztechleasing.

In other words, the person in whose name the luxury real estate linked to Miller is registered still owns a business that was supposed to be part of Gazprom.

But what about the part of Manasir’s former assets that ended up being merged into Gazstroyprom? It turns out that people, including those acting in Miller’s interests, sold the business to the state company he heads. Some part of the money received in the deal — 34.4 billion rubles Gazstroyprom paid a total of 42.8 billion rubles for its stake in the SGK ×

— wound up in the Cyprus-based company Redensy Management (this company will be mentioned later in our investigation). Then, Redensy transferred a significant portion of these funds to the Russian companies Vladenie-V 14.9 billion rubles ×

and All-Russian Farmer Center 1.6 billion rubles ×

, which, as stated above, nominally own the real estate of Gazprom’s CEO: the palace in Greenfield village and Millerhof, respectively. It turns out that the money paid by the state-owned “mega-contractor” was used, among other things, to arrange for the luxurious life of Putin’s former secretary and his spouse.

However, this is not where the swindle ends either. If you look at the ownership structure of the “mega-contractor,” it turns out that 26 percent of it through OOO MK-3 ×

is owned by a certain Sergei Furin, who is registered in an ordinary apartment building in Izmailovo BBC journalists were the first to draw attention to Furin being among the shareholders of the mega-contractor ×

. Is this also done to save money, for which purpose the “mega-contractor” seems to have been created? We doubt it. What is sufficient to know about Furin is that he is the personal driver of Sergei Tregub and members of his family . He worked at OOO Gross Group D and paid the parking fees for the cars of Sergei Tregub, his wife Irina Kuzikova and his son-in-law Andrei Khromov. In leaked information, which allows us to find out under what name people are saved in the contact lists other mobile phone subscribers, Furin is listed, for example, as “Tregub cell drv,” which probably means “driver Tregub’s cell phone” ×

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In other words, the blocking shareholder of Russia’s largest state-owned infrastructure company, which claims 1.4 trillion rubles from the budget a year, is the driver of a man no one knows.

Perhaps Tregub is a big businessman with a long and successful history in the infrastructure business? That is also unlikely. Tregub has as little to do with this business as General Tkachuk. But like Tkachuk, Tregub is also deeply connected to intelligence.

Tregub had been on military service since the 1980s — he supposedly served at the Sary-Shagan firing range in Kazakhstan, where Soviet air defense equipment was tested. He worked for a long time in the Soviet-friendly Syrian Arab Republic in the nineties. He was a military attaché at the embassy in Damascus and dealt with air defense, “I think all the military attachés are affiliated with the GRU,” Tregub’s American colleague of those times, Rick Francona, recalled. In his small edition book, “The Orient is a Riddle. Jerusalem is Sacred,” orientalist Leonid Medvedko names Tregub among “honest servicemen and other intelligence officers devoted to their duty.” The book was published with support from the Eurasian Integration Foundation, where Gulnara Ustobabaeva, one of Sergei Tregub’s nominees, worked)

One of the rare photographs of Sergei Tregub. It shows him with Rick Francona, military attaché at the U.S. Embassy in Damascus, mid 90s

One of The Project’s interlocutors refers to Tregub as “a former resident spy in a Middle Eastern country”. Our spy finished his service in 1997 in the rank of colonel or higher, and in 2006 he was delegated to important business assignments (see next chapter). Since then, he and a group of his former intelligence colleagues, presumably also “honest intelligence officers committed to their duty,” (see diagram) have created an extensive network of shell companies controlling nearly $2.5 billion worth of business assets and property. Tregub holds a significant portion of these assets on behalf of the Miller family.

And Ziyad Manasir is now done with our country his current company Manaseer Group, registered in Jordan and having offices in the US, Egypt and the UAE, does not list Russia among the countries where it is represented ×

. But Manasir did take a piece of Russia, where he was a successful businessman, with him: the Jordanian built the Vikiland mansion in his homeland, its photo appeared in 2014 on the Instagram page of Ziyad Manasir’s wife Victoria ×

which strikingly resembles Manasir’s palace in Greenfield village near Moscow. That same mansion, which overlooks the luxurious palace of Alexei Miller and is once again registered to one of the shell companies of the ubiquitous Sergei Tregub.

The destiny of the agents

The nominal empire of Sergei Tregub is ruled by his colleagues and relatives

Vadim TregubNephew, graduate of the Zhytomyr Military University, where his father used to work for many years. Lives in Cyprus and Dubai. Owns 20% of the Ydyp and Katun eco-hotels in the Altai Republic. Director of the Cypriot company. Redensy Management that owns 99% of the Millerhof palace near Moscow and two apartments in the Arbat district of Moscow.

Akhkubek Akhkubekov Employee of Gross Group M and former FSB officer. In 2000, he was on board the plane that was hijacked and flown from Makhachkala to Israel, due to which his name appeared in the press. Owns 80% of Ydyp and Katun eco-hotels in the Altai Republic

Gulnara Ustobabaeva Researcher at the Foundation for the Promotion of Eurasian Integration, worked at a Rosneft subsidiary during the Tregub period, and later at his company Gros Group D. Owned a share of hotels in Altai before Akhkubekov.

Sergei Tregub Jr.Son, graduate of the Scottish Institute of Business. Owns a red deer farm in the Altai Krai

Valentina Khromova-TregubDaughter, works for Villa Michetti, aka Millerhoff

Natalia Lysenko Former employee of Vympel MIK. Owns apartments at the Imperial Yacht Club complex in St. Petersburg.

Alexander SmirnovPartner, former fighter of the Vympel special forces unit, participant of the Chechen war. Together with Sergey Tregub he controls: the palace at Greenfield, еру Esto-sadok cottage, two Mercedes-Maybach S 600, a villa at the Rus sanatorium, 11 villas in Sochi, the Gelendzhik-Park boutique-hotel and a forest in the Leningrad region near the villa community for Gazprom executives.

Dmitry BaikovskyFormer fighter of the Vympel special forces unit. Owns 5% of the Sogaz Insurance Group

Andrey KruglovPartner, former fighter of the Vympel special forces unit. Together with Sergei Tregub and Alexander Smirnov (! through LLC VNPA-Nedvizhimost ×

he owns the Voronezh office of Yukos, which they inherited from LLC Prana.

Ilya GirevoyFormer FSB officer, employee of Gross Group D. Manager of a chalet in the Leningrad Region in a settlement for Gazprom top managersvilla community for Gazprom executives in the Leningrad Oblast

Sergey FurinDriver of Sergey Tregub and his family. Owns a 26% stake in the Gazstroyprom company together with Sergey Filimonov

Sergey Filimonovis the husband of an employee of Materhorn-Finance, Tregub’s company; Filimonov himself works as the director of Smirnov’s company Summa-Plus. Owns 26% of Gazstroyprom together with Sergey Furin

Story 2

How the Chekists took over Yukos

To understand how Tregub and his secret service cronies got into the Russian business world and how important their role is, one has to go back to the beginning of Putin’s rule.

Back in 2003, Mikhail Khodorkovsky, the richest man in Russia at the time, told Putin in front of TV cameras about the large-scale corruption in the country. In response, Putin lashed out at Khodorkovsky and his oil company, Yukos. The “Yukos case” was the most notorious political trial of the 1990s — the company’s owners and managers were either jailed or forced to flee Russia, and Yukos property was taken over by state companies. However, it is now clear that some of the Yukos assets also went to a number of private individuals working for Putin’s entourage.

When the fate of the Yukos legacy was being decided, Gazprom was for a long time considered the main contender, while Rosneft, which eventually received the majority of assets, was never a favorite, recalls former company shareholder Leonid Nevzlin. The plan changed when Yukos’s Western shareholders began a legal fight over their assets and Gazprom could face legal problems Nevzlin continues ×

. “They decided not to eat the golden goose that was Gazprom,” confirms Igor Volobuyev, former vice president of Gazprombank who left his position and Russia after the invasion of Ukraine began ×

. Shortly after the start of Yukos bankruptcy proceedings in 2006, a new manager was appointed to the company — the director of Yukos EP and Yukos-RM, Sergei Tregub, whom we already know. The former Yukos employees interviewed by The Project recall only one meeting with their new boss during which he fired them all. Kommersant wrote at the time that “Tregub acted as a ‘government watchdog, ‘ tasked with preventing the outflow of funds and assets during the ‘interregnum’”.

In the spring of 2007, the sale of some of the Yukos assets began. Rosneft or its affiliated companies won 9 out of 18 lots. But Rosneft lost the auction on lot #13 to an unknown entity called Prana established by a Belizean offshore company. This unknown Prana paid 100 billion rubles ($4 billion) of unknown origins for the lot. Journalists were keen to find out whose interests Prana represented, but no one confessed. A little later, it turned out that Prana too represented Tregub and his associates. In 2009, Prana was transferred from offshore companies to the company of Alexander Smirnov, a partner of Tregub, and the directors of Prana became Tregub’s employees. Some of the Yukos assets that Prana received are still in the hands of Tregub’s group ×

.

Just a month after the auction, Prana sold to Rosneft one of the main assets of the lot — a 22-storey building of the Yukos headquarters on Dubininskaya Street. A short time later, Rosneft sold to Gazprom a half of another former Yukos asset — Tomskneft. The sums of the deals are suspiciously similar — Prana bought the Yukos office for approximately the same price as the half of Tomskneft cost to Gazprom $3.4 billion. Lot #13 also included other inexpensive assets, apart from the Yukos office ×

. A source acquainted with the circumstances of this transaction tells the following version: Prana acted in the interests of “Gazprom” and then exchanged the purchased asset for half of the production business in Tomsk.

A person involved in the “Yukos case” on the side of the state recalls that in the mid-2000s, Tregub did not work for Miller, but represented someone “higher up”. The interlocutor categorically refused to discuss it further. A source acquainted with Miller put it this way: “The intelligence services and expropriation of Yukos are not at Miller’s level, decisions were made at a higher level.

In other words, intelligence colonel Tregub, a citizen of Russia and Ukraine,

We have at our disposal the number of Tregub’s Ukrainian passport, issued in 2011 in Crimea, with residence registration in the town of Priluki, Chernihiv Oblast ×

and a branched network of nominees associated with him, not only hold assets in Miller’s interests, but have been carrying out sensitive assignments for the country’s leadership for over 15 years.

Prana retained a part of the received Yukos assets and used them in a very curious manner. In particular, Prana ceded the second Yukos office in Ulansky Pereulok in Moscow to Sogaz, the same Sogaz whose owners include friends and relatives of President Putin. Now one of the Sogaz offices is located in the former office of Yukos. Putin’s closest friend Yury Kovalchuk works there during his visits to Moscow as told by a person who has met with him ×

.

However, part of Sogaz itself was also taken over by the same mysterious Chekists.

Story 3

How a Chekist linked to Miller got a stake in Russia’s largest insurance business

Among the people connected to Tregub (see the chart above), who managed the assets of the seized Yukos, was a man with an unremarkable name — Alexander Smirnov. He was a member of Vympel, a special division of the FSB, and participated in the Chechen wars. In the early noughties, Smirnov retired to the reserve and, together with his former colleagues, created a group of companies whose names invariably included the word “Vympel” Vympel-MIK, Vympel-Shield, Vympel-Atom ×

. As the businessmen write on their website, they specialize in “assistance in resolving corporate disputes and working with troubled assets.”

Smirnov has a partner, Dmitry Baikovsky, who is, not surprisingly, also from Vympel.

In 2008, Baikovsky set up ZAO Opus, through which he owned a stake in OOO VNPA-Nedvizhimost together with Smirnov. Baikovsky himself was the owner and director of OOO Vympel-B. VNPA-Nedvizhimost owns the former Yukos office in Voronezh ×

. When registering his car, Baikovsky gave the address of his residence as military unit 35690 of the FSB Special Purpose Center, which is Vympel’s base. In November 2017, this man became the director and main shareholder of the small company Orbita Express

with authorized capital of 35 thousand rubles ×

. This small company acquired

through OOO SG-Realty ×

2,5 % of shares of the largest insurer of Russia, the Sogaz group. Since then, Baikovsky’s stake in Sogaz has grown even larger: he now owns 5% of the shares, which may be worth 28 billion rubles.

Estimate made based on the value of the stake in 2019 from the VTB financial statements ×

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One could probably assume that Baikovsky is a successful entrepreneur. But this is hindered, among other things, by the fact that the personal car he registered was a 2005 budget Nissan X-Trail.

Whose shares does Baikovsky hold? Sogaz and Baikovsky did not reply to our inquiries, but a possible clue can be found in the accounts of the Cyprus-based company Redensy Management. At the beginning of 2021, this company received a stake in Sogaz controlled by Baikovsky as collateral, in exchange for which it transferred 3.5 billion rubles to the accounts of the security officer’s company. The company reports that Orbita needs this money to cover loans to companies controlled by Baikovsky himself, as well as the aforementioned Tregub and Smirnov. There are two important facts about Redensy Management itself: it lists as its owner the same Vadim Tregub from Zhytomyr, nephew of Sergei Tregub he is also the director there, and, according to financial documents studied by The Project, it is he who receives dividend payments from Redensy ×

, and in Russia, it owns the Millerhof estate through OOO All-Russian Farmer Center ×

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Unknown hero of the Forbes ranking

Sergey Tregub and a group of nominal owners associated with him control shares and stakes in companies worth at least $2 billion. With luxury real estate in their hands (see above), Tregub and his group own and manage about $3 billion in assets.

Stroygazconsulting and related companies, $750 millionThe Tregub group controls Stroygazconsulting itself and 22 other companies associated with it OAO SGK-transstroy-Yamal, OOO RusArctic, OOO Gaztechleasing, OOO First Interregional Industrial Group, OOO KRATEGUS, OOO INTERALA, OOO Design Company № 15-P, OOO Design Company № 16-P, OOO Design Company № 7-P, OOO Design Company № 21-P, OOO “Project Company № 8-P”, OOO “Project Company № 18-P”, OOO “Project Company № 11-P”, OOO “Project Company № 17-P”, OOO “Project Company № 22-P”, OOO “Project Company № 4-P”, OOO “Project Company № 1-P”, OOO “Project Company № 23-P”, OOO “Project Company № 6-P”, OOO “Project Company № 2-P”, OOO “ALerila”, AO “INTERNATIONAL CENTRE” ×

.

Stake in Gazstroyprom, $660 million26% of the company is owned by OOO MK-3, which is registered to Tregub’s driver Sergey Furin and the former director of the Prana firm Sergey Filimonov.

Gazprom and Sogaz shares, $522.4 millionRedensy Management owns according to the 2020 report ×

shares in Gazprom worth 2.6 billion rubles and has 5% of shares in Sogaz pledged, which could be worth 28 billion rubles — estimate made based on the value of the stake in 2019 from VTB’s financial reports ×

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Deposit accounts, $136.8 millionAccording to a 2020 report, the Cypriot company Redensy Management, whose director is Vadim Tregub, the nephew of our spy, keeps more than 128 million euros on a deposit account in Gazprombank, which at current exchange rates equals about 8.7 billion rubles or almost 137 million dollars.

Gross Group D construction company, $3.8 million according to the calculations of The Project on the basis of similar offers on the market ×

Belongs to Tregubov’s firm Vladenie-V and has state contracts from the capital repair fund for apartment buildings in Moscow.

Vadim Tregub did not respond to the editorial request for a conversation. His uncle, Intelligence Colonel Sergei Tregub, responded to the offer to talk about Miller’s assets with an expressive emoji:

* * *

In early 2022, Alexei Miller, who had just celebrated his 60th birthday, became a Hero of Labor of Russia. “For special labor merits before the state and the people,” reads the award decree signed by Putin, perhaps the only Russian before whom Miller really has special merits.

Editor — Roman Badanin

Fact-checking — Ekaterina Reznikova