Nikolai Svanidze

Historian, journalist and public figure

Last week, Vladimir Putin excluded from the Council of Human Rights, journalist Nikolai Svanidze, human rights activist Igor Kalyapin and director of the Owl information and analytical center Alexander Verkhovsky. Nikolai Svanidze believes that although the HRC was originally only a dummy of a democratic institution, approximately like the State Duma in pre -revolutionary Russia, his final “cleansing” once again confirms: Putin, like Nicholas II, leaves no focus of political life, besides his bureaucracy, and thereby makes the revolution almost inevitable.

If in the brilliant port of the century in the XVII Sultan decided to establish the Human Rights Council, then it is clear which rights of which person would be implied. The Council would consist of Janissaries. Times and morals were courageous and simple, without hypocrisy.

Since then, a lot of water has flowed, and the regimes similar to the Sultan regimes are currently forced to build scenery. The councils are not introduced into the councils not by the Janissaries, but by civilian or at least those who are dressed in civilian clothes, and a person’s scam is left at home.

The human rights advice itself is an exotic thing. Where real institutions act - parliament, court, press, elections, where the law rule - human rights are protected without a special council under the boss. If the institutions do not work, then this advice is not a lot of use.

On the other hand, when the institutions do not act, the country lives on concepts, and according to the concepts of the first person. Direct access to this person sometimes allows, not systematic, but to help someone. This is a great temptation. But this in many ways an illusory opportunity, when tightening the autocracy, comes to naught. The regime is simplified, its stylistics becomes straight and rough, any structure takes a final frank bureaucratic appearance. And during the war-military-bureaucratic.

In Russian history, everything related to the bureaucracy, as a rule, has a negative connotation.

On June 2, 1915, a breeder, financier, millionaire Alexei Ivanovich Putilov had a conversation with the French ambassador Maurice Paleologist. Grounding a cigar, Putilov said:

“The days of tsarist power are numbered. She died irrevocably. The revolution is inevitable. Anything can serve as an occasion - a strike, hunger, rebellion in Moscow or a palace scandal. The greatest crime of tsarism was that he did not want to allow, in addition to his bureaucracy, no other focus of political life. And on the day when the officials surrender it, the Russian state itself will break up. ”

Indeed, an unenviable sight, when a huge country has such an unpretentious device.

True, in fairness it must be said that Russian tsarism made an incredible effort on itself and allowed the creation of parliament in the person of the Duma. Although for this the tsar needed to survive personal horror during the first revolution in Russia, horror up to the intention to leave the throne. Rasputin persuaded Nicholas the throne, but to sign the manifesto of civil and political freedoms in fact forced Prime Minister Witte.

Nikolai himself sincerely did not understand what was the need for the State Duma, and even more so did not realize what insurance it could provide him in the event of a political crisis. He thought: they want a Duma - let there be a cardboard toy.

Nikolai himself sincerely did not understand what was the need for the State Duma

In the old, understandable to Nikolai Russia, there was no such thing: many political parties, inter -party unions, alliances with people from business, talk about the government of public trust - and just the end of the world, when the breeders themselves draw their workers into social activities.

Russia of the second decade of the 20th century had a large business community, but Nikolai did not see a potential ally in it. It is likely that this was the neglect of the master to the former serf, which broke out in the rich. But at the beginning of the 20th century, such a view was clearly insufficient for the head of state, where a large private business provides a record rate of economic growth and will inevitably strive for political influence, and for this it would want to have a parliament with real powers.

The main request of the Russian bourgeoisie is to ensure open general rules of the game in business.

It seems that the task is local, but in fact - absolutely revolutionary. In the future, her successful decision could lead to a normal restriction of autocracy. But at that moment, the matter was not in the king. The most active, speaking in today's language, the creative forces of Russian society had a much more serious enemy than the king. Namely, the bureaucracy, which in the Russian Empire was stronger than the autocrat. And she stood on his hind legs.

Bureaucracy at the beginning of the 20th century, primarily Petersburg, had their own specific economic interests. The highest bureaucracy and the court, including the Big Romanov family, have long been in the board of directors of large commercial structures, owned promotions, securities, played on the exchange. Plus corruption. And most importantly, due to the proximity to the throne, the highest bureaucracy had access to state loans. That is, to the same free money, for which Moscow giants, like Ryabushinsky and Vetov, fought for the development of their business.

Higher bureaucracy consisted in the board of directors, owned promotions, played on the exchange

Their business, due to St. Petersburg bureaucracy, lost the future. That is why, first of all, the Moscow business (St. Petersburg business is more connected with the capital's bureaucracy) wished political influence through the State Duma, expanding its authority, appointing ministers, monitoring the budget and further according to the list. And even in the military 1915, attempts in this direction continued.

Putilov, a witness to this unsuccessful struggle, talking with the French ambassador, knew what he was talking about the St. Petersburg bureaucracy: she would easily give the sovereign at the first signs of his weakening, there will simply be no practical necessity in him. And the sovereign will not have other support. In addition, he got involved in a world war.

St. Petersburg bureaucracy will easily surrender the sovereign at the first signs of its weakening

First of all, from euphoria. Due to the economic and demographic rise in the country, the instinct of state self -preservation has weakened, I wanted military victories. The security forces in every possible way supported this desire and directly demanded money from the king.

The Prime Minister Kokovtsov was categorically against-the last of the glorious trinity of strong Russian premieres after Witte and Stolypin. Witte at one time expressed a seditious thought:

“In the interests of Russia, one should not try to play a leading role, it is advisable to move into the second row of world powers, in the meantime, the country, restoring the inner world.”

Kokovtsov shared this position and was dismissed by Nikolai. Upon learning of the dismissal, the Dowager Empress Mother Nicholas said:

"We are going the right steps to the disaster."

Kokovtsov in advance foresaw another bad circumstance. The arms race, a demonstration of its success will instill in the mass consciousness the idea that the war is inevitable and will be successful. Nervous excitement will rise so high that even the most convinced opponents of the war will swing. The Prime Minister Kokovtsov looked into the water. Mass patriotic delight at the beginning of the war intoxicates everyone, but the hangover will be terrible. Nikolai did not think about it.

He wanted to satisfy the complex from defeat in the Russo-Japanese War. In addition, I wanted to act as an older brother and help the Serbs. And finally, the main thing: the dream of sitting the White Tsar in the sacred city of Constantinople, the homeland of Orthodoxy, and just sit on the desired straits in the Mediterranean Sea and open them in their own, and not Turkish, discretion.

The final is known to all these dreams - October 1917.

During the Soviet regime, there was no stone on the stone from the former Russia. But the main principle has been preserved: the ruling class has remained a bureaucracy with its ability to combine power and property. She really does not need any real institutions.