The relative social calm that has prevailed in Russia in recent years seems to end. In Voronezh, a crowd of protesters demanded the abolition of an increase in rent. In Vladivostok, the fishermen blocked the street, persuading against a four -month non -payment of salaries. Shakhters also threaten the overlap - but not streets, but railways in Kuzbass and Inte. It seems that the air smells in the 98th year - then the railway tracks were also blocked. Moreover, as Sergey Stepashin recently told deputies, on May 1, the wage arrears of state employees amounted to 1.8 billion rubles. And ahead is the payment of vacation to teachers, compensation to the military and other burdensome budget expenses.
The federal authorities are inclined to blame the folk speeches of local chiefs of different rank, freely or involuntarily contributing to the holding of protests. There is a truth in this. In Voronezh, the people were convened by official trade unions with a clearly benevolent attitude of the city hall. Primorsky fishermen were in the center of the fight for control of Dalmoreproduct, which is carried out among other gg. Nazratenko and Darkin. In the high -profile statements of mining leaders about the troubles of the people, the lobbying notes of representatives of the coal industry are felt. In general, proletarian enthusiasm is inextricably linked with cynical political games or the next plans for redistribution.
Nevertheless, it is not possible to write off the protest shares only on the phenomenon of the “extras”. You can collect people at a “custom -made” rally, but they will behave accordingly as puppets that work out their fee and obediently holding posters similar to each other. However, in Voronezh, the radicalism of the requirements with which thousands of protesters came into the obvious confusion of the organizers of the rally themselves: the situation almost got out of control. With the help of only backstage intrigues, this cannot be organized. However, the parallel does not work with the 98th year even because the current protest is (at least for now) is a purely economic character. People fiercely fire their directors, local authorities, not so often (but no less vigorously) the government, but do not touch the president. Vladimir Putin continues to be a “Teflon” politician, to whom nothing sticks: he is associated with victories, but does not recognize his responsibility for failures. And the point here is not only in faith in the good king, but also in the antithesis "Old President - the new president." Recall that at almost every rally of the 98th year, the requirement for the resignation of Boris Yeltsin was mandatory, which, incidentally, accelerated the search for the successor of the head of state. Now, in the absence of a real competitor from Putin, Yeltsin cannot be performed as a virtual alternative to the current head of state. Therefore, slogans such as “Putin’s gang under court” are the property of small communist radicals and do not penetrate the consciousness of the masses.
At the same time, Russians are not at all going to give card-blanche to security forces at different levels, including those who are zealous in the dispersal of rallies. A policeman with a club will never become a hero for Russian society, which amazingly combines monarchism and anarchism - an eternal search for a firm master's hand and a passionate desire for will. It is no accident that our fellow citizens who require “restoring order” were shocked when they saw a “box”, as a police officer beats a woman with a child. The Russian man can call on his own wife’s cheekbone, but he cannot allow a certain citizen in uniform to do this with a “alien” woman.
The new “apolitical” (but not becoming less sharp from this) social protest is not yet a systemic threat to the authorities also because it does not have national leaders. The leaders of the Federation of Independent Trade Unions, who have long entered into symbiotic relations with power structures, do not count. Protesters do not believe politicians, as well as parties of different eyes. All attempts to “saddle” the protest from the Anpilovites and other “leftists” ended in failure. However, this does not mean that leaders will not appear in principle. And God forbid, if they turn out to be normal, civilized and contractual people. Let's not forget that in the same 98th the late General Rokhlin came closest to the role of such a leader, who, according to people who knew him well, had very wide plans. We can say Napoleonic.
In the meantime, an ordinary Russian politician, if he listens to the voice of the street, then with fear and distrust. And the street, increasingly filled with protesters, feels good. And draws our conclusions, which we, perhaps, will find out about.